BBC Monitoring, June 26, 2003/Source: Ayaamaha web site, Mogadishu, in Somali 25 Jun 03
FORMER SOMALI MINISTER SAYS HIS DETENTION WAS "OFFENSIVE"
Gen Jama Muhammad Qalib (former interior minister and police chief of Somalia) who was recently detained by the Somaliland authorities, and later deported to Djibouti, has said that he will return to Hargeysa at the end the ongoing Somali peace talks in Kenya. Gen Qalib is currently in Djibouti. Gen Qalib who arrived in Djibouti yesterday (24 June), said that his detention had been offensive and against the international law which provides for freedom of opinion. He said his will never go back on his view of one greater Somalia. Lastly, He said will sue whose behind his detention.
BBC Monitoring, June 26, 2003/Source:© UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2003
SOMALIA: UN to extend mine clearance project
NAIROBI, 26 Jun 2003 (IRIN) - A UN mine-clearance pilot project in the self-declared republic of Somaliland has been so successful that it is planned to extend it to other regions of Somalia.
According to a UN Development Programme (UNDP) press statement, the project has trained and equipped two teams in the Somaliland police force. "The squads consist of a team leader and three policemen trained in unexploded ordnance [UXO] disposal and first aid, and a commander who is in overall control," UNDP said.
They were trained for 12 months by a UN Mines Advisory Group before being deployed under their own command.
The teams, which come under the direct command of the Somaliland police commissioner, have destroyed 10,000 items of UXO and mines since they became operational in July 2002. "What is uplifting about this specific project is that there is a sense of ownership, and Somalis themselves are excited about it," UNDP Country Director Andrea Tamagnini said. "UNDP encourages the involvement of the local administration in enhancing the local capacity for demining in the country."
By virtue of the project's success, UNDP now plans to extend it to other regions. It has already received funding from the European Commission to train two teams in the northeast (Puntland) and another two in the south, the statement said.
Landmines were extensively used in Somalia during conflicts with Ethiopia in the 1970s and 1980s and during the civil war in the 1990s when all sides to the conflict laid mines. Almost all regions of Somalia have been affected by mines or UXO.
The mine-clearance project, which is implemented by the UN Office of Project Services (UNOPS), is part of UNDP Somalia's 'Rule of Law and Security Programme'.
Africa News, June 24, 2003/UN Integrated Regional Information Networks
Somalia; Interview With Somaliland Foreign Minister Edna Adan Ismail
Edna Adan Ismail is the foreign minister of the self-declared republic of Somaliland which is seeking international recognition as a separate independent state. On an official visit to Ethiopia - 12 days into her new job after being appointed Somaliland's first female minister - she tells IRIN about the quest for recognition.
Is Ethiopia ready to recognise Somaliland following your talks with the foreign minister Seyoum Mesfin?
Recognition is something that will take its natural course, but what we talked about were the bilateral relations of the two countries, the trade relations, and the common concern about security in the region. We discussed food aid coming in from the European Union through the port of Berbera, flowing freely without being looted, without military escort across Somaliland. But as your most important ally did he say in a year's time we will recognise Somaliland?
That he did not say, but it has been said before that Ethiopia will not be the first to recognise us. But they certainly will not be the third.
Who is going to be the first?
We think the smartest country will, because recognition of Somaliland is something that is bound to happen. The independence of Somaliland, in the fifties, came about as a result of mutual agreement and treaties, with pomp and pageantry, with signatures of documents. At that time when Somaliland gained its independence from Britain, 34 nations recognised Somaliland including the Security Council members of that time. We have never severed relations with any of those countries so technically we are still recognised by 34 countries of the world. The problem now is our former partners, our Somali brothers, are in such disarray, such confusion that there is no way we can part like we did with Britain. Somaliland is not self-declared unless somebody is brave enough to tell me Britain does not exist.
Why then won't Britain recognise Somaliland?
I think probably I would attribute it to humility, stiff upper lip. I don't know. Britain has not been as forceful as Italy has been to defend Somalia. And I think it may be because they are afraid it may be seen as nepotism. A former territory, supporting it blindly - whereas it may be seen as more credible if it is a country that has no links with Somaliland recognising it on its merits.
Who in Africa are you targeting as the key countries?
We are looking at South Africa, Mozambique, Senegal, Uganda, Ethiopia, and many African countries. Most of them are very understanding, but many misinformed about how the emotional union of Somaliland and Somalia came about. It was never a domination of one country over the other; it was the union that came about because people wished to share a destiny.
Somaliland is the most senior of the two partners, the first born of two twins. It should have been triplets because Djibouti in 1977 opted not to join that union wisely. When the union, an emotional union that was never ratified, which never had benefited from legal documents being signed, between Somaliland and Somalia got into trouble and ended in a very long and hard civil war of 11 years, we closed our borders and got down to the hard task of rebuilding our country. On the other hand in Somalia regretfully they had destroyed their own country, their own cities, and it continues to disintegrate. It is very sad. We hope one day our brothers in Somalia will understand the wisdom of peace and stability so we can sit across the table and have a dialogue.
Will you try and get those countries to pressure the African Union to recognise Somaliland?
I don't think pressure - convince perhaps, inform perhaps. Somaliland is a bright example of what Africans can do with their own resources, determination and self-help. Somaliland held a referendum in May 2001 when 97 percent of our people opted for separation from Somalia. Now we have managed to build ourselves up, we can look for a headway because at the beginning we were very preoccupied with clearing our country of landmines, bringing our people home from refugee camps in Ethiopia.
But the fear is that recognition will lead to the further disintegration of Somalia?
How much more disintegration can happen in Somalia? How many factions are there - 17? ... I don't think Somaliland can be blamed for the disintegration of Somalia. They didn't need Somaliland to help with their disintegration. I think the disintegration of Somalia has been caused by the funds pouring in from international taxpayers. Money has poured in and much has been looted to buy more guns and create more warlords. It has been a comedy. The world expects us to produce a divorce document when there has never been a marriage. It cannot be done. If Somaliland is recognised we will play a very major role in the reconciliation of the clans in Somalia. We know them better than anybody else.
What is it like being the foreign minister of a country that is not recognised?
For me a sense of pride, a duty that gives me great honour to perform.
But it must be very frustrating being a foreign minister that no-one recognises?
No way. I am proud of the achievements of my country, and I am proud to be the foreign minister of that great country that is Somaliland. We have achieved far more than other countries have. Look at Liberia, look at Zaire, look at Sierra Leone, and look at Ivory Coast. I would rather be the minister of foreign affairs of Somaliland than the minister of foreign affairs of some countries. I am proud of Somaliland.
When will Somaliland be recognised?
I think 2003 is a good year. So many good things have happened in Somaliland. Recognition would be the icing on the cake. We are paying a heavy price for being peaceful. There is nothing sensational happening, there are no bodies of dead marines being dragged through the streets of Somaliland like there were in Mogadishu. There are no international troops to keep peace in Somaliland. We maintain our demobilisation and our peace ourselves. There are no foreigners kidnapped or no hijacks. Nothing sensational happens. It is just a very dull country that is getting on with its daily life, rebuilding.
Africa News, June 24, 2003/UN Integrated Regional Information Networks
Somalia; Former Minister Deported From Somaliland
A former interior minister and police chief of Somalia, who was detained by the authorities of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, was "deported" to Djibouti on Monday afternoon. Somaliland Information Minister Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale told IRIN on Tuesday the ex-minister, Gen Jama Muhammad Ghalib, had not been charged because he was in transit. "It was decided that since he was claiming to be in transit not to prosecute him, but to deport him," Du'ale said.
Ghalib, who hails from Somaliland, is a delegate to the Somali peace talks currently under way in Kenya, and a vocal supporter of Somali unity within a federal system of government. He opposes Somaliland's unilateral declaration of independence from the rest of Somalia. He was detained on Saturday at Hargeysa airport, where his aircraft landed in transit to Mogadishu.
Du'ale said a group of eight young men protesting against Ghalib's arrest attacked Hargeysa airport on Monday. One of them died of wounds sustained during the attack, and the rest were arrested. Also wounded in the attack were two airport security officers. Du'ale added that "airport operations were back to normal within one hour".
On Monday, the minister told IRIN that any Somalilander who called for reunification with Somalia "calls into question the existence of the country and will therefore face the law".
BBC Monitoring, June 24, 2003
SOMALILAND: MILITIAMEN ATTACK HARGEYSA AIRPORT OVER ARREST OF FORMER MINISTER
One person was killed and five others wounded when fighting broke out at the airport in Hargeysa.
The fighting, which lasted for about 15 minutes, was launched by a militia group that was bitter about the arrest of (former interior minister and police chief of Somalia) Jama Muhammad Qalib, by the Somaliland administration on 21 June at Hargeysa Airport. Mr Qalib was coming back home from Kenya. One of the attacking militiamen was killed in the fighting and two others were wounded. Also wounded were three airport security officers. Two planes that were on ground at the airport, one of them belonging to Daallo Airlines, were slightly damaged.
Source: Ayaamaha web site, Mogadishu, in Somali 24 Jun 03
BBC Monitoring, June 24, 2003/Source: UN Integrated Regional Information Network, Nairobi, in English 24 Jun 03
FORMER MINISTER ADVOCATING SOMALI UNITY "DEPORTED" FROM SOMALILAND TO DJIBOUTI
Nairobi, 24 June: A former interior minister and police chief of Somalia, who was detained by the authorities of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, was "deported" to Djibouti on Monday (23 June) afternoon.
Somaliland Information Minister Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale told IRIN on Tuesday (24 June) the ex-minister, Gen Jama Muhammad Ghalib, had not been charged because he was in transit. "It was decided that since he was claiming to be in transit, not to prosecute him, but to deport him," Du'ale said.
Ghalib, who hails from Somaliland, is a delegate to the Somali peace talks currently under way in Kenya, and a vocal supporter of Somali unity within a federal system of government. He opposes Somaliland's unilateral declaration of independence from the rest of Somalia. He was detained on Saturday (21 June) at Hargeysa Airport, where his aircraft landed in transit to Mogadishu.
Du'ale said a group of eight young men protesting against Ghalib's arrest attacked Hargeysa Airport on Monday (23 June). One of them died of wounds sustained during the attack, and the rest were arrested. Also wounded in the attack were two airport security officers. Du'ale added that "airport operations were back to normal within one hour".
On Monday, the minister told IRIN that any Somalilander who called for reunification with Somalia "calls into question the existence of the country and will therefore face the law".
BBC Monitoring, June 24, 2003/Source: UN Integrated Regional Information Network, Nairobi, in English 24 Jun 03
SOMALILAND'S NEW FOREIGN MINISTER SPEAKS OF WHY UK HAS NOT RECOGNIZED COUNTRY
Addis Ababa, 24 June: Edna Adan Isma'il is the foreign minister of the self-declared republic of Somaliland which is seeking international recognition as a separate independent state. On an official visit to Ethiopia - 12 days into her new job after being appointed Somaliland's first female minister - she tells IRIN about the quest for recognition.
(IRIN) Is Ethiopia ready to recognize Somaliland following your talks with the foreign minister Seyoum Mesfin?
(Edna) Recognition is something that will take its natural course, but what we talked about were the bilateral relations of the two countries, the trade relations, and the common concern about security in the region. We discussed food aid coming in from the European Union through the port of Berbera, flowing freely without being looted, without military escort across Somaliland. (IRIN) But as your most important ally did he say in a year's time we will recognize Somaliland?
(Edna) That he did not say, but it has been said before that Ethiopia will not be the first to recognize us. But they certainly will not be the third.
(IRIN) Who is going to be the first?
(Edna) We think the smartest country will, because recognition of Somaliland is something that is bound to happen. The independence of Somaliland, in the fifties, came about as a result of mutual agreement and treaties, with pomp and pageantry, with signatures of documents. At that time when Somaliland gained its independence from Britain, 34 nations recognized Somaliland including the Security Council members of that time. We have never severed relations with any of those countries; so technically, we are still recognized by 34 countries of the world. The problem now is our former partners, our Somali brothers, are in such disarray, such confusion that there is no way we can part like we did with Britain. Somaliland is not self-declared unless somebody is brave enough to tell me Britain does not exist.
(IRIN) Why then won't Britain recognize Somaliland?
(Edna) I think probably I would attribute it to humility, stiff upper lip. I don't know. Britain has not been as forceful as Italy has been to defend Somalia. And I think it may be because they are afraid it may be seen as nepotism. A former territory, supporting it blindly - whereas it may be seen as more credible if it is a country that has no links with Somaliland recognizing it on its merits.
(IRIN) Who in Africa are you targeting as the key countries?
(Edna) We are looking at South Africa, Mozambique, Senegal, Uganda, Ethiopia, and many African countries. Most of them are very understanding, but many misinformed about how the emotional union of Somaliland and Somalia came about. It was never a domination of one country over the other; it was the union that came about because people wished to share a destiny.
Somaliland is the most senior of the two partners, the first born of two twins. It should have been triplets because Djibouti in 1977 opted not to join that union wisely. When the union - an emotional union that was never ratified - which never had benefited from legal documents being signed, between Somaliland and Somalia got into trouble and ended in a very long and hard civil war of 11 years, we closed our borders and got down to the hard task of rebuilding our country. On the other hand in Somalia regretfully they had destroyed their own country, their own cities, and it continues to disintegrate. It is very sad. We hope one day our brothers in Somalia will understand the wisdom of peace and stability so we can sit across the table and have a dialogue.
(IRIN) Will you try and get those countries to pressure the African Union to recognize Somaliland?
(Edna) I don't think pressure - convince perhaps, inform perhaps. Somaliland is a bright example of what Africans can do with their own resources, determination and self-help. Somaliland held a referendum in May 2001 when 97 per cent of our people opted for separation from Somalia. Now we have managed to build ourselves up, we can look for a headway because at the beginning we were very preoccupied with clearing our country of land mines, bringing our people home from refugee camps in Ethiopia.
(IRIN) But the fear is that recognition will lead to the further disintegration of Somalia?
(Edna) How much more disintegration can happen in Somalia? How many factions are there - 17? I don't think Somaliland can be blamed for the disintegration of Somalia. They didn't need Somaliland to help with their disintegration. I think the disintegration of Somalia has been caused by the funds pouring in from international taxpayers. Money has poured in and much has been looted to buy more guns and create more warlords. It has been a comedy. The world expects us to produce a divorce document when there has never been a marriage. It cannot be done. If Somaliland is recognized we will play a very major role in the reconciliation of the clans in Somalia. We know them better than anybody else.
(IRIN) What is it like being the foreign minister of a country that is not recognized?
(Edna) For me a sense of pride, a duty that gives me great honour to perform.
(IRIN) But it must be very frustrating being a foreign minister that no-one recognizes?
(Edna) No way. I am proud of the achievements of my country, and I am proud to be the foreign minister of that great country that is Somaliland. We have achieved far more than other countries have. Look at Liberia, look at Zaire, look at Sierra Leone, and look at Ivory Coast. I would rather be the minister of foreign affairs of Somaliland than the minister of foreign affairs of some countries. I am proud of Somaliland.
(IRIN) When will Somaliland be recognized?
(Edna) I think 2003 is a good year. So many good things have happened in Somaliland. Recognition would be the icing on the cake. We are paying a heavy price for being peaceful. There is nothing sensational happening, there are no bodies of dead marines being dragged through the streets of Somaliland like there were in Mogadishu. There are no international troops to keep peace in Somaliland. We maintain our demobilization and our peace ourselves. There are no foreigners kidnapped or no hijacks. Nothing sensational happens. It is just a very dull country that is getting on with its daily life - rebuilding.
Africa News, June 23, 2003/UN Integrated Regional Information Networks
Somalia; Somaliland Detains Former Minister
The authorities in the self-declared republic of Somaliland have detained Gen Jama Muhammad Ghalib, a former interior minister and police chief of Somalia, according to his son Abdirahman Jama.
Ghalib, who hails from Somaliland, is a delegate to the Somali peace talks currently under way in Kenya and a vocal supporter of Somali unity within a federal system of government. He opposes Somaliland's unilateral declaration of independence from the rest of Somalia.
He was detained on Saturday at Hargeysa airport, where the aircraft he was travelling in landed in transit to Mogadishu. "He was kept at the airport police cell for the night," Abdirahman told IRIN. On Sunday he was moved to a jail in town. Abdirahman said he was allowed to see his father on Sunday afternoon "after the intervention of elders". "He seemed to be in good condition," he added.
He claimed the authorities arrested his father for supporting the concept of "a federal Somalia including Somaliland". "He was offered freedom if he would renounce his position, but he refused," Abdirahman said.
Somaliland Information Minister Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale told IRIN that Ghalib was detained on Saturday because he had broken Somaliland laws. "Anyone from Somaliland who advocates the reunification of Somaliland with Somalia calls into question the existence of the country and will therefore face the law," Du'ale said. He said Ghalib's case would go "through the proper legal channels".
Ghalib is a member of the Gar-Hajis, numerically one of the largest subclans of the Isak, the dominant clan in northwestern Somalia.
Meanwhile, Somalia's Transitional National Government (TNG) has called for the release of Ghalib. "We regret the detention of Gen Jama and call on the authorities there to release him immediately and unconditionally in the interest of peace and stability," Information Minister Abdirahman Ibbi told IRIN.
XINHUA, June 23, 2003
Gunmen attack airport in Somaliland capital
Unidentified gunmen attacked the airport in Hargeisa, capital of the breakaway republic of Somaliland, on Monday and at least six people including three policemen were wounded in fierce shooting, a police officer said. The fight began when the gunmen driving two cars came into the airport and started shooting at two planes parked there and the policemen.
It is not officially known why the young men whose number is not stated have attacked the airport, however it is known that there was a plane at the airport heading for Mogadishu which was supposed to carry General Jama Mohamed Qalib for deportation out of Hargeisa and out of the entire self styled republic.
The general, the former commander of Somalia's National Police Forces, was arrested in Hargeisa two days ago as he was onboard a plane heading for Mogadishu in transit in Hargeisa.
Qalib, who belongs to the dominating Issak tribe of Somaliland, has been accused of lobbying for a federal system for Somalia, something the secessionist administration of Somaliland strongly opposes to.
Qalib has been held inside the prison in Hargeisa in the past two days, something which seriously angered his clansmen in Hargeisa, and the attack at the airport is strongly believed to have been related to this matter.
Abdulkadir Muse, commander of Somaliland police forces, said the situation is now under control and that three of the attackers were wounded and another number which he did not specify were arrested for the matter.
Hargeisa town, normally known as a peaceful city, has been tense on Monday.
Battle wagons from the army of the breakaway republic and a large number of policemen have been deployed at the airport for fear of more attacks.Hargeisa residents feared that more armed confrontations might ensue if the issue is not settled peacefully.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 74 June 21, 2003
NSS-Based Security Organization in the Making?
Hargeisa- Sources close to the government have told the Somaliland Times that president Dahir Rayale is considering the establishment of a giant security agency for domestic spying. The agency is expected to be headed by a former officer in the now defunct National Security Service (NSS), the source said.
The new agency will also incorporate the Migration department and the CID, both of which currently come under the Ministry of the Interior, the source added.
According to Somaliland's constitution, the country can only have three types of security forces: the Army, the Police and the Custodial Corps (prison guards).
The security committees established by late president Egal had been declared illegal by the Somaliland House of Representatives. However, the so-called security committees are still operative throughout the regions of Somaliland.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 74 June 21, 2003
The UK will support Somaliland’s parliamentary election and the health and education sectors
Hargeisa- A three member British government delegation left Hargeisa on Wednesday afternoon following a brief visit to Somaliland.
The delegation led by the British Ambassador to Ethiopia, Myles Wickstead, arrived in Hargeisa on Tuesday to express their congratulations to the people, the government, the opposition parties and the electoral commission of Somaliland for the presidential election held last April.
Accompanying the ambassador were his wife Mrs. Sheilagh Wickstead, David Bell, first secretary in the British High Commissioner in Nairobi and Owen Richards, Political Secretary at the British Embassy in Addis Ababa.
During their stay in Hargeisa, the delegates were warmly welcomed by Somaliland's officials, including President Dahir Rayale Kahin, leaders of the opposition parties, Election Commissioners and members of the civil society organizations. Somalilanders in general expressed gratitude and appreciation of the British government’s support for their country’s democratization process, and Somaliland's press also ran positive commentaries on the visit.
The British Ambassador Wickstead disclosed that his government would provide financial assistance to Somaliland’s forthcoming parliamentarian elections. He also stressed that the Parliamentary elections be held as soon as possible.
Wickstead pointed out that Britain was ready to step up assistance for Somaliland by providing support for health and education sectors as well as capacity building.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 74 June 21, 2003
Ambassador Wickstead Raises the Issue of Detainees With Rayale
Hargeisa- The British Ambassador Myles Wickstead had raised the issue of people arrested by the Somaliland's security authorities in the aftermath of the April 14 presidential election. The people in question are about 10 - 12 SNM war veterans arrested by the authorities on May 19, 2003 in connection with alleged involvement in subversive activities against the state.
Until now no formal charges have been brought by the government against the group. Wickstead said that he conveyed to President Dahir Rayale of the need to file charges against the detainees, if there were charges, and to bring them to court as soon as possible. The ambassador also emphasized that the government should investigate if there were cases where the security forces had taken actions beyond their power, following the presidential election, and to take the necessary measures accordingly. Wickstead indicated that his embassy will follow closely how these cases will be dealt with in the near future.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 74 June 21, 2003
Drug: The Double Edged Knife (13)
Mohamed H. Dahir (Chairman Pharmaceutical Association of Somaliland)
HIV AIDS (cont’d)
Management Of Terminally Ill Aids Patients
Terminal stage, if AIDS overlaps the advanced stage of AIDS. Severe fatigue, severe debility, neuralgia, renal failure or dementia may be present in advanced stage of AIDS. Infections may be worsening. Response to therapy may be poor, particularly to the antiretroviral drugs. Incidence of drug allergy is high. Some physicians hold the view that "fewer is better". Yet, ARV naïve patients in advanced stage of AIDS may still have a chance to recover with appropriate antiretroviral therapy.
In the terminal stage the antiretroviral options may have been exhausted for the antiretroviral experienced patients. Still the prophylaxis of opportunistic infections must be considered. The impact of prophylactic drugs on patient’s quality of life and versus risk of disease must be weighed. Even prophylaxis may become limited by adverse effects. Antifungal prophylaxis, pneumocystis carinii pneumonia prophylaxis may be necessary to maintain quality of life. Similarly patients who suffered recurrent attacks of herpes may also be protected, for it affects quality of life. Prophylaxis of mycobacterium avium complex or cytomegalovirus may be a little more difficult to choose readily.
Palliative therapy for the symptoms would be the major concern of the physician caring for the terminally ill AIDS patient. Quality of life is important at this stage. Fever and accompany nightsweats complicate terminal stage AIDS. Infection or neoplastic diseases may be the cause induced and treating the disease process may be the best way to give palliation but sometimes no clear-cut cause may emerge. Fever and adrenocortical insufficiency may also be explored.
Nausea and vomiting in the late stage of AIDS is common, caused by AIDS cholangiopathy, CMV disease, lymphomas or CNS leisons. All drugs in the therapy should be re-evaluated their ability to cause GI complications and pared down. The goal of therapy in the term9nal stages is patient comfort.
Diarrhea and dehydration and electrolite imbalance may be life threatening in the advanced state of AIDS. Drugs, infections and neoplasms may cause diarrhea. Some are treatable but diarrhea may also be due to untreatable organism or it may be idiopathic.
Anorekia and weight loss is a usual complication in the late stage AIDS. Chronic disseminated infection, diarrhea along with malabsorption and GI complications due to medication usually lead to wasting. Inadequacy of calories intake leads to wasting. Appetite stimulants are not useful in the terminally ill patients but total parenteral nutrition may help but it is initiated only after careful evaluation.
Progressive physical deterioration, loss of friends and isolation consequent to AIDS, impoverishment, all combine to cause severe depression in many terminally ill and it should be aggressively treated.
Pain is a complication in half of the advanced stage AIDS cases. Peripheral neuropathy, chronic abdominal pain and pain from skin leisons and pain from immobilization are usual. Pain can be expected as the HIV disease advances and it is comparable to cancer pain in the advanced stages. It is paramount to treat pain in the terminally ill.
To be continued next week.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 74 June 21, 2003
Rayale’s Disdain For Due Process
Somaliland's President, Dahir Rayale Kahin, has so far remained unmoved by domestic calls for an independent investigation of human rights violations allegedly committed by his security forces in the aftermath of the April 14 elections. Worse, the police has kept up its harassment of the inhabitants of the capital Hargeisa, particularly during night hours. Clearly, a large number of people who had given Rayale the benefit of the doubt by voting for him despite his former career as an NSS officer, are now beginning to worry about the future of their human rights under the present government. To be sure though, the actions for which Rayale’s government has been attracting criticism should in no way be interpreted as to suggest Somaliland being on the brink of a human rights disaster. No, this country is far from it. What has been bothering most people, however, is a persistent trend showing this President’s disdain for due process of the law.
While Somaliland's citizens are willing to take their disputes to court for settlement, the government has shown a tendency to take actions outside the judicial process whenever it wants to, especially in political matters. The imprisonment without trial of SNM veterans, and the summary trial of Haatuf Borama correspondent Mohamed Omer last month, are two good practical examples of this inclination.
Some might argue that given Somaliland’s weak judicial system vis-à-vis the executive branch, there could be no guarantee anyway that one would get justice through the application of due process of law. But a more persuasive counter argument is that once the government accepts to confine its actions within the rules of law, then it would still be possible for the public to ask for improvements in the implementation of the process.
With the UDUB-controlled House of Representatives close to approving a draconian press law giving the government wide powers to clamp down on press freedom, and President Rayaale's deaf ears to calls for due process, more and more Somalilanders have enough good reasons to be alarmed about the future of their liberties.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 74 June 21, 2003
HIV/AIDS in Somaliland Too Good to be True
For the last 6 months I was monitoring Somaliland media for information about the status of HIV/AIDS in Somaliland, I have come across an article wrote by a gentleman in London (Kaysar Cabdilaahi). After reciting the word from the Qur’an, he eloquently explained the disease in lay mans' words, so each and every one of us can appreciate the situation in our own little way.
But seriously is that enough for a disease which ravaged more than 37 million persons in Sub-Sahara Africa alone?
I guess not and I’m sure you will agree with me, and here is the reality of HIV/AIDS in the ill fated horn of Africa:
- 10% infection rate among males in Djibouti
- 15% infection rate among bar hostesses in Djibouti
- 36% infection rate among commercial sex workers in Djibouti
Let us not go far; in Ethiopia the HIV prevalence among commercial sex workers was 20% in 1988, 32% in 1989, and 55% in 1990.
These researches are conducted by US Naval Medical Research Unit n. 3, in 1986 and National Research Institute of Health Lancet Volume 341(8854) 8 May 1993, respectively, and that is just HIV-1, the other type of (HIV-2), extensive studies was not conducted in the horn of Africa.
After decade or so later and dramatic increased interaction between Somaliland population and neighboring countries, the HIV/AIDS literature indicates the prevalence (dadka cudurka qaba), in Somaliland is 1%.
I have attempted to acquire their preliminary data, to replicate their analysis, so we can have clear picture the way they conducted the research and see how it is possible to have such a low infection rate when every country in Africa has 6% infection rate or more but the data is no where to be found. Now that is too good to be true.
Let me give the benefit of the doubt for those who believe the HIV/AIDS infection is non-existent or low in our country, how long do you think we’re going to down play the situation?
The point of this note is, we’re facing a major treat, and Somaliland youth (risk group) do not have a clue what they’re up against, they rather analyze and broadcast political arena events.
Bottom line I would like to say wake up and smell the roses, we need to do something about this, before it hits us had in the next few years.
Y.Garow MD MPH
ygarow@yahoo.com
Atlanta
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 74 June 21, 2003
Restructuring the Tax System
Two hundred years ago the great Scottish economist and philosopher Adam Smith proposed in his influential book "Wealth of Nations" a set of criteria known as the Canons of Taxation for evaluating taxes. These have remained unchanged and are still widely used. According to Smith, a good tax should meet four standards:
Equality: Taxes should be levied according to ability to pay.
Efficiency: The cost of administering the tax should be as low as possible, so that a large part of what is taken from the taxpayer is not used up in collecting the tax.
Certainty: The amount of tax that is due, the method of payment, and the deadline for payment should be clear, so that each taxpayer can be certain about his or her obligations.
Convenience: The time and manner of payment of a tax should be as convenient as possible for the taxpayer
In Somaliland taxes fail to conform to any of these criteria. Firstly, Somaliland has one of the most unfair tax systems in Africa - a regressive system that causes the poor to pay proportionately higher taxes. The commodities consumed by the poor attract higher taxes and are most easily taxed. As a result those who spend over 90% of their income on food have the highest tax burden. The luxury goods and services used by wealthy families attract very little or no taxes. A destitute family in Sheikh Noor shanty town (Hargeisa) with an annual income of $140 will typically have a tax burden of $30 - a net contribution of 73 days’ income to government coffers.
Secondly, we have a tax structure, which is inefficient and expensive to administer. It is estimated that around 30 cents of every tax dollar collected by customs goes in administration costs. The recently established Inland Revenue wastes more resources than it collects. The costs of tax collection include administrative costs and the costs taxpayers incur in complying with, legally avoiding, or illegally evading taxes.
Thirdly, taxes are imposed arbitrarily. Because rules have been deliberately made complex and difficult to understand, it is up to the tax collectors to decide who pays what and how much. The main purpose of levying taxes in arbitrary and non-accountable ways is to provide income for the collectors and corrupt officials. The current Laws of Direct Taxation, which were originally translated from Italian, are so confusing that even civil servants at the Inland Revenue rarely consult it. They simply do not understand what it is all about. None of the taxation documents are written in Somali or are available to the tax paying public.
Fourthly, corrupt tax officials choose a time and manner of payment that forces taxpayers to bribe them. Tax collectors carry out surprise visits to businesses and demand on-the-spot payments. Tax police also raid businesses and imprison owners at the request of junior clerks.
Not only is the tax structure too complex, unfair, inefficient and inequitable, but the amount of revenue it generates is miniscule. The current tax revenue of about $20 million per annum, which is roughly two per cent of GDP, is the lowest in Africa. Eritrea, which has a similar economic structure and roughly the same GDP, raised more than this in its first year of independence. Its tax revenue now is ten times that of Somaliland.
More worrying for the government is the fact that this tiny revenue is in decline. The last Minister of Finance recently claimed that he increased government revenue from 84 to 101 billion shillings in the last two years. But adjusting for inflation, the revenue actually fell in real terms from $15 to $13 million. Unless the government takes drastic action this trend is set to continue. What is urgently required is a major overhaul of the tax system.
Key Elements of Structuring
1. Simplify the Tax System: The system should be easy and simple to administer. One of the lessons learned from experience is the importance of a simplified tax system with few taxes, low and uniform rates, limited number of rates for each tax, a broad base and limited exemptions. Simplified tax forms and procedures encourage compliance and are inexpensive to administer.
2 Broaden the Tax Base: The government should seriously consider introducing value added tax. VAT is generally tax-neutral in terms of economic efficiency and can substantially increase tax revenue. This will be particularly effective in the booming services sector such as telecommunications, which does not contribute much to overall taxes. A standard rate of 10% on telephone bills can generate large revenue but will not affect telephone companies or small telephone users. An organization or individual who receives a monthly telephone bill of $1,000 can easily afford an additional $100 of tax. Those who make one-minute international calls to their relatives abroad will not notice this.
3. New Income Tax Laws: The current law on direct taxation should be replaced urgently. This absurd law requires that anyone who earns more than 72,000 shillings ($10) per annum should file a return. It sets the income tax rate for those who earn 6,000 shillings (less than a dollar) a day at 25%. Too bad if they are below the poverty line!
4 Reduce Entry Regulations for Businesses: In an economy dominated by informal sector, it is in the government’s interest to encourage as many businesses as possible to register. The current regulatory framework makes it difficult for businesses to formally register. A starting point would be to abolish current regulations, which require all importers to buy expensive Ministry of Commerce licenses. It currently costs at least $1,000 to purchase such licenses after completing a long bureaucratic procedure involving certificates from Inland Revenue, $700 deposit at a government bank account, criminal background checks at the CID, compulsory Chamber of Commerce membership, proof of ownership of fixed assets and so on. The transaction costs involved in the process are beyond the reach of the hundreds of small traders who regularly order goods from Dubai.
5. Reduce Trade Taxes: Heavy reliance on trade taxes undermines the competitiveness of our international trade. Effective import taxes as high as 30% are unsustainable given the absence of import taxes in the neighboring Puntland. It is also important to consider exempting staple food items mainly consumed by the poor.
6. Abolish Multiple Exchange Rates: The use of artificially set exchange rates at customs further complicates already complex tax codes. For example, the value of imports are first converted into SL shilling using one of the "official" exchange rates, which is usually below 50% of the market exchange rate. When the nominal tariff rate is 50%, the effective rate will be in the region of 20-30%. This has no purpose other than to confuse taxpayers and encourage corruption. A 20% tax rate should mean 20% and not 50%.
7. Consult Taxpayers: Businesses need to be fully consulted and given sufficient time before tax changes are introduced. Last year’s failed experiment aimed at increasing trade taxes by 280% illustrated the cost of poor decision making. The Minister of Finance was advised in one afternoon that by changing official exchanging rates, they could at a stroke increase trade tax rates by 280%. In the following day, the cabinet unanimously approved the proposed idea, which they saw as another form of disguised tax. Two weeks later embarrassed ministers were forced to abandon the tax rate changes after the country’s entire international trade activities stopped for fourteen days of confusion.
8. Improve Data Collection: Without reliable information, policy makers cannot make informed decisions. With the complete absence of data of any sort, setting tax rates is like shooting in the dark. It is scandalous that ten years after the Ministry of Finance was established we do not even have national accounts of any sort.
Make the System More Transparent and Accountable: Both revenue collection and public expenditure need to be more transparent and accountable. No taxation without representation.
Dr Ismail Ibrahim Ahmed
Btecsomaliland@aol.com
London, UK
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 74 June 21, 2003
Human Rights & The ‘New Politics’ - A Reply
A. Mohamed Ali Xaashi ‘Dhimbiil’
The burden of proof and the burden of responsibility must always reside with the government of the day; defending a wrong based on one’s party affiliation is unpardonable and inexcusable. Violations of human rights and un-lawful detentions without access to the writ of habeas corpus are self-evidently evil and un-just. I oppose every infraction of human rights and support every attempt to reveal, expose and un-earth these violations.
I further believe that they should be exposed internationally as well as nationally; any attempt at squelching these rights is, in a word, unjustifiable. Moreover, I believe that democracy and human rights are prior to the state and my moral and ethical support of Somaliland is based on its commitment to protect my life, liberty and property, to borrow a phrase from John Locke. These include my fundamental human rights. The argument that we do not live in an advanced liberal democratic state, whose traditions of liberalism created these rights, is a red herring and does not apply. A human beings well being requires no such nonsense, from a dead or alive white male, or for that matter dead or alive Africans; any camel herder can tell you that we have had these rights and continue to posses them. It requires the commitment of a state to protect its citizens and not to have the state as a predator of these rights. The issue of democracy and human rights clearly represent, in my opinion, the basic building blocks of civilized politics for any progressive citizen.
The fact that I have stated these basic beliefs says much about the way the debate on this issue has emerged, speaking volumes of how it has been politicized. I have joined this debate - again - because our esteemed newspaper to which I contribute regularly - Somaliland Times - in its issue # 72 posed an important question, directed to UDUB supporters in the diaspora & particularly to Rashid Garuf - on the issue of recognition vs. human rights. The publishing of four opinions by pundits whose sympathies with Kulmiye are in the public record motivated my joining this debate as a matter of, for wont of better term, "opinion balance" given that the editorial support of these opinions.
I believe the that the question that has been posed is wrongly formulated simply because there is no apparent division between recognition and human rights, the two are not mutually exclusive rather, they are mutually inclusive. Somaliland should not be recognized if it is a flagrant abuser of human rights and becomes a dictatorship adding to what Miss Omaar has appropriately called "another basket case in Africa". Quite correctly, every progressive in Africa is haunted by the images of genocide and tribalism and civil war. Somaliland is a classic example of how to build from these disasters. Any regression then should be met - as Rakiyya correctly puts it - with grave apprehension.
The debate on human rights in the opinion pages of the Somaliland Times though has been cast on a biblical canvas with profound and dramatic explosions of indignation. Some have used private debates in the Somaliland Forum as a sounding board for their "opinions without borders" an unfortunate elevation of offensive writing as a modus operandi. Opinions have varied from the absurd - a claim made in one opinion, that Somaliland is at the grips of a dictator and his denizens of "faqash" pretending to be the legitimate government of this republic, appropriately titled "This is not the Somaliland I envisioned" - to the bizarre, where the people of Somaliland are asked if they understand democracy, appropriately entitled "Does the public understand Democracy?" No doubt our post-modern indulgences are at work here and those in the diaspora, the coming opinion elite, feel that our camel herders, making the wrong choice in the recent elections, do not deserve democracy at all. These, in a word, are the pretensions of the diaspora in their creation of Somaliland’s own Vanity Fair.
The facts of our case I believe looks somewhat like this. Somaliland stands - if we are to speak contextually - as a rather sterling protector of human rights and a country where a complete reformation of politics as we have known it, is occurring. Eritrea, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Uganda, and Sudan all recognized states and members states of IGAD are basically dictatorships and massive abusers of human rights. Eritrea and Sudan, being particularly heinous examples of what is wrong with Africa; the Sudan, to say the least, a sad example of Frantz Fanon’s prophesy of what the post-colonial condition would entail. Uganda and Ethiopia are yet to hold presidential elections or for the latter multi-party elections. In short they are benevolent dictatorships. That is how the Duvaliers started in Haiti if it is remembered. Indeed these countries, situated right here in our neighborhood cannot claim any resemblance to Somaliland - a testament to the people of Somaliland determination to protect their rights. I need not debate this issue further because Somaliland has reached - to use a massive understatement - point of no return. However, much remains to be done and citizens ought to remain vigilant.
Rakiya Omaar’s reporting of human rights abuse is an important reminder of how long the road to institutionalizing the culture of human rights is. As well, her publishing of these reports is a prerogative of human rights activist and a right. It is the governments responsibly to disprove these allegations; it is the governments responsibility to create a position for human rights in this government so as to have an official government position on this issue; it is the governments responsibility to understand the savvy nature of our globalized world and the pundits that come along with it; it is the governments responsibility to come clean on these issues; it is the governments responsibly to learn the public opinion debate and the credibility framework under which these debates operate: in a word, the spokesperson of the government ought to be writing on these pages and internationally, instead of its supporters. The government ought to learn to be articulate, hopefully this debate and these warnings will introduce to them - by being stung - new ways of doing the business that they are in - public relations. Individuals nonetheless must speak out against these issues of human rights, the record of this writer being in the public domain.
Rashid Garuf and I hold somewhat different opinions on this issue, however, as a patriot, and a person whose contribution to the struggle for Somaliland is second to none. Garuf is entitled to his rights of free speech as everyone else. Garuf’s contention that these reports hurt the image of Somaliland is solid; that they should not be publicized is not. It is not the responsibility of the activist to self-censure himself/herself - the onus of responsibility as I have argued remains with the state. The history of governance being what it is in this continent we ought not to be too offended with this assertion.
The mantle of credibility has also been raised on this issue and particularly on the person of Miss Omaar. This I find most unfortunate. I need not repeat the lady’s record here, suffice to say that in a male organized and male dominated polity, women’s voices - and it is plain to see - get the short end of the stick given our patriarchal dispositions. Women in our country are not particularly welcome in our politics. Rakiya Omaar’s - a precious voice and a bona fide leader in the field of human rights - forceful intervention into the debate or as the creator of the debate itself is to be congratulated. However, this intervention often comes with a price, for everyone, and this is the crucial place where I part company with - in my opinion - those who refuse to recognize the principal of criticism offered to us by our new political system of our public figures; Rakiyya Omaar quite nicely fitting the description of a public figure engaged in the democratization process. The criticism is this: at a time of multi-party politics human rights organizations and human rights activists must not only be impartial in the political party process, they must be seen to be impartial. Miss Omeer herself must be wondering out loud why a segment of the population even a small segment thinks or believes this. This fact alone suggests some rectification on her part, as far as impressions go. This criticism is warranted given the tremendous uproar by Somalilanders inside the country and in the diaspora on Rakiyya Omaar’s intervention on this debate clearly situated in the discourse of the opposition.
The claim that her nearly overt support for a political party creates doubts on many of her criticism of the President and UDUB particularly during an election is a legitimate issue and should not be placed, hypocritically, on the moral high ground nor characterized as un-important or beside the point; it is the point and precisely the point. There are some criticisms to be made and no one ought to self-censure oneself for this or that reason. The right to the speech works both ways.
Impartiality and more importantly to be seen to be impartial is a crucial principal in the work of human rights and a founding tenet of human rights organizations. This point then ought not to turned, twisted, and altogether deformed - as many have done - as an attack on Miss Rakiya Omaar, a person held in high regard by the people of Somaliland and by this writer in particular - this sentiment being in the public record. What I am saying here is that we can have a civil debate on this issue without taking the moral high ground - a principal ploy by opposition pundits who clothed themselves with false and misleading moral garments in this campaign - lest others bring down the whole debate with charges of immorality and double standards to the detriment of a sterling tradition in Somaliland: debate of our issues in the pages of our national newspapers with grace, most of all with grace.
Human rights to be sure, belongs to this sphere of politics, given our new found voice in this multi-party template, important issues that characterize the underlying and recurrent themes of our collective political life ought to be exposed and brought front and center for the people of Somaliland and outsiders to consider as this young nation continues on its path to democratization. In a word, no stone should be left un-turned. I welcome further debate on this issue.
A. Mohamed Ali Xaashi ‘Dhimbiil’
dhimbiil@lycos.com
Agence France Presse, June 19, 2003/by ALI MUSA ABDI
Somali street kids dream of bright futures with a little help from UNICEF
BERBERA - Excited children jostle in their ramshackle school to answer a teacher's question. These kids were until very recently living rough on Somaliland's sweltering streets, but now are dreaming of a bright future thanks to a UNICEF project. "My teacher has told me to learn and hope for the best, because if I learn, I will not be a beggar and might even own a house, car and a shop," said 11-year-old Ahmed Aden, who had spent five years on the streets. His classmate Amina Ahmed was less self-interested, saying: "I wish to become rich in order to help other unfortunate children in Somaliland."
The school in the port of Berbera, 155 kms (96 miles) northeast of the capital Hargeisa, was financed by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), which has launched a major campaign to take abandoned children off the streets here and in other towns.
Today it houses 58 street girls and 73 boys abandoned by their poor families.
"B, T, J," they chant, the Somali Latin alphabet in Arabic.
Local religious leader Sheikh Hassan Sheikh Ali said the number of street children has swelled in Somaliland, which declared independence from the rest of Somalia in May 1991 and has yet to be recognised by the outside world.
This is because traditional extended family arrangements have collapsed, he added. "Under the Somali clan set-up, orphaned or poor children were always catered for by relatives, and that is why there had been few street children in Somaliland," Ali said.
"But now, most families are poor and cannot even take care of their own children, let alone a relative," Ali told AFP at a Berbera beach mosque.
A Berbera municipal official estimated at 10,000 the number of street children in the whole of Somaliland, whose population numbers 2.5 million people. He said about another 20,000 children were working under-age, most of them selling merchandise such as cigarettes.
UNICEF officials said they will only target about 6,000 of these children.
The UN agency's Berbera education project was made possible when the city's council agreed to assist a local charity to build decent shelters and provide other materials to support the street children.
The project is also helping change traditional views on the education of girls.
Asha Ismail Liban, owner of a small restaurant in Berbera, pointed out that job opportunities here were reserved for men because "they were given the opportunity to go to school, while the girls were left at home to serve the family."
In Sheek village, 60 kilometres (37 miles) south of Berbera, 16-year-old Asha Ahmed was out herding her family's livestock, helped by two of her sisters, both of them under 10 years of age. "I would like to go to town to learn, but I cannot abandon my beloved family as I am their daughter," she said. "My future is bleak without education, unless Allah gives me a good Somali husband," 16-year-old Asha said.
Agence France Presse, June 19, 2003/ ALI MUSA ABDI
Female Genital Mutilation cause of increased HIV/AIDS in Somalia: doctors
BURAO - The Female Genital Mutilation (FMG) of Somali women has increased the number of Sexually Transmitted Diseases and is a recipe for higher rates of HIV/AIDS in the country, a Somali gynaecologist warns. "The genital cut on Somali girls between the age of seven and 10 is a dangerous exercise that has brought misery to the lives of Somali women, because beside the health risk, the mutilation traumatizes the young, compelled to follow the painful tradition," gynaecologist Hodan Farah told AFP at the general hospital in Burao.
Burao is located 280 kilometres (175 miles) east of Hargeisa, capital of the breakaway republic of Somaliland which declared independence from the rest of Somalia in May 1991, five months after dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was toppled. It has yet to be recognised by the outside world. "Objects used for the excision are not sterilized and at the same time could again be used to mutilate more women, who could already be HIV positive," Hodan lamented.
Another doctor and four other medical personnel at the hospital agreed, pointing out that there were already HIV cases in Somaliland where, due to a lack of proper awareness campaigns, people are still not aware of the risk of infection.
But an elderly religious man immediately dismissed the concerns expressed by the medical personnel. "AIDS is a hazardous message from Allah to adulterers and other turncoats, who act sexually against nature," religious elder Abdi Dahir Ali said. "Any person who remains committed to his legally accepted wife would not be affected by the so-called sickness. The world is not a safe place while homosexuals and lesbians are free to spoil the planet," Ali added.
Asked about the use of condoms, Ali warned that the condoms themselves could be infected. "White people are very notorious when speaking about other races. STDs were first brought to Africa by the colonial soldiers and AIDS originated from the United States, that is California," Ali claimed.
But Hodan warned that if the FMG is not legally forbidden in Somaliland, "the practice would inflict disastrous health risks for its women and society at large."
The Somaliland government estimates that only one percent of its population is HIV positive, but aid agencies say the number is slightly higher. "The situation is not like in neighbouring Kenya, Djibouti and Ethiopia, but if massive awareness and preventive measures are not taken, the number of infected people might increase sharply," an expatriate aid official told AFP.
Agence France Presse, June 19, 2003
Somaliland appeals for donor aid to fight poverty, AIDS
HARGEISA - The breakaway republic of Somaliland in northwest Somalia on Thursday urged the international community to come to its aid to fight HIV/AIDS and help alleviate poverty. "Somaliland is committed to efforts to alleviate poverty and to fight HIV/Aids epidemic, but we lack a helping hand from donors," Somaliland's Finance Minister Hussein Ali Duale "Awil" said on Thursday. Somaliland broke away from the rest of Somalia in May 1991, five months after dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown and fled into exile, but it has yet to be recognised by the international community, despite having developed the tools of statehood, including its own currency, penal code and flag. "We are appealling to international donors for aid to fight the poverty and AIDS scourges, as our meagre budget is insufficient to pay salaries to the government employees, as well as build schools, hospitals and finance other development projects of our rural nomadic community," Awil told visiting journalists in the Somaliland capital, Hargeisa. He said his ministry would soon unveil plans for major development projects on poverty alleviation, HIV/AIDS and construction of more schools in rural areas.
BBC Monitoring, June 19, 2003/Source: Jamhuuriya web site, Hargeysa, in Somali 19 Jun 03
BRITAIN PLEDGES TO ASSIST FORTHCOMING SOMALILAND PARLIAMENTARY POLLS
The president of the republic of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, yesterday received the British ambassador to Ethiopia, Mr Myles Wickstead, in his office.
Mr Myles Wickstead and a delegation he was leading were on a one-day visit to Hargeysa, Somaliland. They discussed various issues, including the recent Somaliland (presidential) elections, the assistance provided by the UK and how the British government viewed the elections.
A statement by the Somaliland presidency spokesman, Abdi Idris Du'ale, said: "Ambassador Myles Wickstead said his mission was related to:
1. Congratulating the president, the government, parties and members of the public for the exemplary democratic elections which were held in Somaliland. He added that they had decided to "contribute to the forthcoming (parliamentary) elections".
2. Discussing how to improve bilateral relations and assisting Somaliland. He said following the accomplishment, more assistance would be provided to Somaliland.
The president of the republic of Somaliland first and foremost urged the ambassador to convey the appreciation to his government for its support. He said: "We cannot forget the vital support you provided us."
The president said the issue of the recognition of Somaliland was the biggest impediment to progress in the country, and asked for support on this matter. (Passage omitted)."
BBC Monitoring, June 16, 2003/The Somaliland Times web site on 7 June
SOMALILAND: PAPER CENSURES AUTHORITIES FOR REPORTEDLY VIOLATING HUMAN RIGHTS
Somaliland is a country that came into existence as a result of huge human rights violations that were committed against its citizens under the regime of Somalia's former dictator, Siyad Barre. Since the purpose of Somaliland's restoration as an independent free state is the protection of its people from a repetition of the great suffering they had experienced under Barre's dictatorship, Somalilanders couldn't be blamed if they guard their human rights closely and are sensitive to any potential abuse by their own government, or by the perpetrators of past crimes who are still on the loose in Somalia.
Recent reports accusing the Somaliland government of having violated the human rights of some of its citizens in the wake of the 14 April presidential elections, seem to have drawn negative responses from certain officials and individuals who support UDUB's (Allied People's Democratic Party, ruling party) government based on the belief that such revelations would damage Somaliland's chances of getting recognition from the international community. Opponents of disclosing human rights violations have assigned their harshest criticism to a report by African Rights and its director, the Somaliland-born human rights activist, Rakiya Omaar. The report which was issued on 23 May 2003 by African Rights under the title "Somaliland: Shadows of the Past as Human Rights Deteriorate", contained well-documented cases of human rights violations allegedly carried out by the government. Strangely enough, none of those who responded negatively to African Rights bothered to call upon the government to conduct an inquiry into the allegations. A logical question is why the government committed the alleged violations in the first place, since it obviously knew that revealing such actions would jeopardize Somaliland's chances of recognition? Or did the government think that depriving citizens of their rights is a serious crime only if it were reported by international human rights and media organizations? Unfortunately, this notion that only negative publicity abroad is what matters is the dominant attitude among government leaders. Most of the less senior officials in the Administration even care less and less as one goes down the ladder of bureaucratic hierarchy.
Moreover, viewing "recognition" as something that could be gained as a result of a one-time or few-times accomplishment, such as the successfully held local and presidential elections is misleading.
In the present and foreseeable future, "recognition" would only be won if Somaliland continues to consolidate its stability and makes progress in democratization and good governance. Somaliland has certainly made considerable achievements in the above areas in comparison with other countries in this region or elsewhere in Africa. But Somaliland could have done much more.
One thing is certain. Somaliland will not be able to sustain its achievements unless basic freedoms such as the rights of movement and expression are upheld, and the rule of law is respected by the government and citizens alike.
No one is going to respect a government that fails to investigate allegations of human rights abuses levelled against its officials or one that tolerates arbitrary arrests, appalling prison conditions and the use of lethal weapons for the dispersion of peaceful demonstrations.
The gentlemen in the diaspora who support UDUB have to take this into account. They have to ask why President Riyale's administration is still denying trial to a group of SNM (Somali National Movement) veterans who were arrested on 19 May on charges of engaging in anti-government activities?
Isn't it a double standard to describe Kulmiye's (Solidarity, opposition party) position of rejecting the decision made by the Somaliland electorate in the 14 April presidential election as unconstitutional, while at the same time the UDUB-led government violates the constitution through the unlawful use of the police and harassment of journalists?
BBC Monitoring, June 16, 2003/Source: Jamhuuriya web site, Hargeysa, in English 16 Jun 03
SOMALILAND: MINISTRY DECLARES SECONDARY SCHOOL EXAMINATIONS FREE, FAIR
Ministry of Education officials here declared Thursday (12 June) the secondary GSCE level and intermediate leaving exams ending on 12 June, "fair and free of untoward incidents and disturbances" due to mainly checking mechanisms the ministry put in place to foil any and all attempts detracting the smooth-flow of examinations at all sites or the "vigil" against fraudulence of any kind compromising effectiveness ministry rules and all-round fairness of exams.
"The ministry expects that measures it has implemented at the field to thwart any fraudulent practices adversely affecting fairness and transparency of the examinations from national to site levels would not only bring about tangible results but would also return public trust and confidence of ministry and its examination board," HE Usman Hasan Mirreh, Somaliland minister for education said.
The minister said student chances for higher education, and for specialized vocational training opportunities are more promising successful entrants this year than they were before.
"In addition to the places the two universities of Amoud and Hargeysa and the intake the Regional Veterinary Institute of Shiikh offers graduating students, fellowships we expect from Egypt and university placements that negotiations we are carrying with a number of countries in region would probably make available augur a very promising future for the successful," the minister said. Director-general Abdirahman Muhammad Maal, elaborating on the themes the minister touched on, told reporters that openings for further education were pre-ponderously - but understandably - in favour of those who successfully sat for their General Secondary Certificate exams.
To date, the director-general said, fairly confirmed places awaiting GSCE graduates were as detailed below:
On the other hand, the DG (Director-General) said, the ministry took all possible steps to ensure that students either passed or failed in exams solely by merit of their individual absorption and retention of subjects taught and learned. This undertaking, he said, was not made any easier by a graph of graduating classes that was no where near that of last year. Number of schools that had graduating classes in regions, he said, were on the up, too. "Graduating form four students sitting for the 2002-2003 scholastic year exams are 61.7 per cent more than those who sat for same exams last year," he said.
Put differently, 1,200 students sat for their GCSE last week, registering 740 students more than the 460 of last year - 2001-2002. For students sitting for the Intermediate Leaving Exams, the number was 4,000 - an increase of 1,000, meeting 25 per cent on those who qualified for examination roll numbers last year. "There were four new form four schools too, this year joining other regions that had already fielded classes for graduation the previous year," DG Maal said.
Ceerigaabo High and Garadag of Sanaag Region and one each in Burco of Togdheer and Berbera of Sahel were, said the director, the four secondary schools that had joined others who had graduating form four classes.
Of the six regions that today constitute the Republic of Somaliland, Sool, alone, has yet to field its own secondary leaving classes.
All together the ministry had its task cut out by allocating invigilators, supervisory inspectors and resources to a total of 49 schools, among which number were 13 secondary schools, spanning across five regions for the deciding exams of 7 to 12 June, last week.
Mr Daud Ahmad Farah, president of the National Board of Examinations, told our reporters that the ministry assigned 54 invigilators and nine site supervisors to ensure that graduating secondary students did not lack on-site guidance on administration-related matters or supervision. The number assigned to observe and maintain orderly process of examination rules at the 36 sites where intermediate leaving exams were taking place were, in contrast, 300 invigilators supervised by 26 site inspectors. "In none of these 49 sites nothing that could not be handled by teachers and ministry officials on duty there was reported," Mr Daud said.
Three privately owned centres, Daud said, were among the schools who had standard eight students sitting for their final intermediate leaving exams: Two in Hargeysa; one in Ceerigaabo. The rest, he said, were Togdheer five, Sanaag two, Sahel two, Sool three, Hargeysa 16 and Awdal two.
Mr Ahmad Ali Adan, Regional Education Officer of Hargeysa, present at the ministry briefing at one occasion, his supervisors pointed out, was, decidedly, weighed heaviest by a myriad of responsibilities that other REOs were spared of mainly. For one, they agreed, Hargeysa had the largest number of graduating classes, and the capital of the republic, which mirrored the soundness and efficacy of national rules and regulations.