Source: Jamhuuriya, June 14 2003
Government Policy Environment & Management
Vision
Mandate of the governments environment management policy is to ensure our survival and improve the quality of life by conserving and protecting our environment as explicitly stated in our constitution which provides: -
1.Every one has a right to have an environment that is not harmful to his health or well being.
2.To have the environment protected for the benefit of present and future generations through legislation and measures that: -
- Prevent pollution and ecological degradation.
- Promote conservation and secure ecologically sustainable development.
The policy and mission of the Ministry in developing and implementing this policy: is also to insure implementation and development of a National Environment Strategy and Action Plan (NESAP).
NESAP would include the commitment to: -
- Ensure the development and implementation of integrated management system in both private and public.
- Take lead in coordinating, monitoring and enforcing implementation of this policy in consultation with all interested parties.
- Develop and implement effective education and information strategies to increase public awareness of environment issues.
- Develop process, procedures and implement programme.
- Develop mechanism to effectively deal with international cooperation.
As a public trust and as the custodian govt organs: the Ministry of Environment and Pastoral Development accepts the leading role in taking this responsibility and ensuring that appropriate and necessary measure are taken to:
- Ensure the people environment right are enforced.
- Ensure govt fulfils it's obligation to act as custodian of the environment.
- Promote, co-ordinate and enhance sustainable development with all organs at the local, regional and national level.
- Develop and co-ordinate the implementation of all integrated and holistic environment management system.
PRINCIPLES
To guide the govt, the principles for environmental management are to achieve the vision and over circling goals of sustainable development. Environment sustainability is the key to attain this vision. The following principles are the fundamental demises the govt have to use, test and develop policies and consequent action under taken.
These principles could be summarized:
1.Accountability govt is accountable to policy formulation, monitoring and enforcement.
2. Govt allocate functions to the respective institution that can effective achieve the objective of the policy.
3. Co-ordination of environment concern affecting all life. It therefore requires inter-government harmonization of policies, legislation, monitoring and regulates other environment function as required by the policy.
4. Equity: there should be equal access to environmental sources benefits and services to meet basic requirement of the human well being.
5. Global intentions a co-operation and responsibilities.
6. Good Governance
Government recognize global and regional environmental issues and act upon it.
Good governance depends on the trust and reciprocal relation between govt and the people. This includes: accountability, transparency, responsibility of implementing the policy and encouraging the people to participate.
7. Inclusively
Environment management also consider needs, value, and interest, which include indigenous knowledge:
- Action on any instruction failures and other relevant issues.
- Endeavour to achieve environmental sustainable development by conservation and protection measure.
- Deliverable to assist in achieving growth.
- Achievement of integrated environment management that sustained health-working conditions at present and in future.
To ensure the successful implementation of environment policy, the NESAP [National Environment Strategy and Action Plan] by developing implementation strategies and action plans that addresses institution arrangement and issues. In order to under take this. Govt must identify institutions, institution's structures to implement government approach, augment existing capacities, functions, and establish within frame work creating structure required to establish the co-ordinate mechanism and prioritise all development processes.
Objectives
-- Review of existing skills, function of Ministry of Pastoral Development & Environment and re-align them to optimise implementation of National Environmental Strategy and Action Plan.
-- ú To ensure the successful implementation of environmental policy, the NESAP will develop implementation of environment strategies and action plan that address institutional arrangements and issues. In order to do this, government must: undertake an audit of existing skills, capacities, function and the development of resources in the Ministry of Pastoral Development & Environment.
-- Identify appropriate institutional structure to implement the governance approaches set out in this policy and establish a time frame for creating any new structure that are required.
This must include:
- Appropriate mechanisms and structure for coordination
- Mechanisms to deal with inter-governmental disputes
- Appeals and conflict solution mechanisms and structures
- Mechanisms to deal effectively with international environmental obligation, agreements and issues not covered by treaties conversions or agreements.
- Identify appropriate ways in which to build institutional capacity.
- Budget for the development and implementation of strategies and action plans.
- Reallocate resources to meet new programs and needs.
NES & Process
The Ministry of Pastoral Development and Environment will draw up an initial proposal in consultation with other departments and spheres of government. It will then embark on a participatory process to consult all interested and affected parties before drawing up a final strategy and action plan for implementation. This will be done within a year of the policy being adopted.
Coordination of policy process
The National Environment Strategy and Action Plan will prioritise and coordinate the development of all environmental policy processes, bringing them into line with this framework policy. It will also identify and initiate any further policy processes that are required.
Strategic Goals
Within the framework of the overarching goal of sustainable development government has identified seven strategic goals for achieving. These goals are interdependent and implementation must address all of them to be effective. It is vital to recognize that environment concerns and issues cut across various sectors and functions. Therefore sustainable and integrated management of the environment depends on cooperation and initiatives from all sectors of society. Many supporting objectives address functions of other government departments that impact on the environment and will require cooperation and commitment for effective implementation.
Ministry of Pastoral Development & Environment will play a lead and supportive role to ensure coordinate and effective implementation of the policy.
The strategic goals and their supporting objectives address the major issues government faces in its drive to achieve environmentally sustainable development and ensure an integrated system of environmental management. The vision and policy principles have guided the choice of goals and objectives and will also guide policy implementation.
Goal 1: Effective Institution Framework and Legislation
Create an effective, adequately rescued and harmonized institutional framework and an Integrated legislative system, and build institutional capacity in all spheres of government to ensure the effective implementation of this policy.
a) Objectives: -
1.Institutional Framework
ú To conduct an audit and review of existing skills, capacities, functions and the deployment of resources in the Ministry of Pastoral Development & Environment and realign them to optimise implementation of national environment policy and the National Environment Strategy and Action Plans.
2. Integration and coordination
ú To investigate ways to integrating and coordinating all government functions affecting environment management, and establish appropriate mechanisms and structure effective working relationship and administrative arrangements between different departments and organs of state in all spheres of government in carrying out their environmental functions.
- To develop a coordinated approach to the integration of environment concerns in the policy process of all national department.
- General principles for decision-making and conflict solution.
- How existing environmental legislation can be consolidated and streamlined.
- Key legislative and institutional needs requiring immediate attention.
- To use the results of the audit and review to develop relevant and effective environmental legislation, norms and standards.
3. Reviewing and Updating Policies, Plans and Programs
To conduct regular reviews of the relevant and appropriateness of all government policies, strategies, plans, programs and legislation, with an impact on the environment in order to update them in line with progress in environment management.
4. Reallocation of Resources
ú To effect planned and measurable shifts in budgetary and resources allocations in all Ministries and other organs of state need people, sustainable resources management and the redress of past mistakes.
5. Researches and Development
- To identify priorities, and facilitate relevant research development.
- To provide adequate financial and human resources to expand government capacity to: -
- Study environmental problems, evaluate trends and identify and analyse existing and emerging environmental and report effectively on the state of the environment and promote continues improvements in environmental management.
- To promote the training of adequate number of environmental scientists, technicians, educators, officials, managers, and from all communities.
Source: Jamhuuriya, June 14 2003
Solar Water Heating System
This article aims at providing a general overview of the working of solar water heating system. The system covered in this article is the open loop direct system (do not let the terminology confuse you -just read on). For a long time, human beings have used heating effects of the sun, for warmth and preservation of grains and meats.
The heating effect of the sun is derived from the infrared rays emitted by the sun.
They are invisible to the eye, but easily felt by our bodies.
A solar water heating system collects this heat from the sun and transmits it into the water through the use of copper pipes inside it. The heat is transmitted by convection (the heated air in the solar collector passes the heat to the copper pipes) and conduction (hot copper pipes directly hearting the water in them).
The solar hot water system consists of a solar collector panel - which is a glass-topped box of Aluminium framing with copper pipes crisscrossing inside it.
These copper pipes are connected to a storage tank, placed about 1 foot above the collector. Normal Galvanized Iron pipes (commonly known by plumbers as G.I. pipes) are used to do the plumbing connecting the cold-water inlet and the hot water that goes to the bathrooms and kitchens.
The principle behind the hot water system is called the THERMOSYPHON. It works in this way, when cold water is heated; it becomes less dense (becomes lighter) and rises. This water displaces the cooler water above and makes it flow downwards; the cold water is then heated, becomes less dense and rises, forcing the cooler water above to flow downwards. The process is repeated over and over until there is no difference in temperature between the water below and above.
In the same way, the cold water in the storage tank of the system flows to the bottom of the solar collector and in the presence of sunshine; the water gets heated and rises in the copper pipes. The reason why copper is used is because it is a good conductor of heat and also because it does not rust. The water then exists at the top of the collector and enters the top of the storage tank. This water displaces the cooler water in the tank to the collector, where it is heated and the process is repeated over again.
The heated water remains hot in the tank due to the insulation around it. The hottest water is found at the top of the tank and so the hot water pipe to the showers is connected to the top of the tank. The cold water will be found at the bottom of the tank and so the cold water inlet plumbing are connected to the bottom of the tank.
Cold water flows into the tank, when water is used in the kitchen or baths. It is important to have a cold-water storage tank above the solar hot water system's tank; this is to ensure that there is continuous flow of water.
Solar water heating systems are known to reach temperatures of 120C0 since they do not have temperature controllers, care should be taken when turning the hot water taps especially during the afternoon hours. It is advisable to turn on the cold-water taps first then the hot water taps second, until you have achieved the desired temperatures. Solar hot water systems can be used in preheating water in industrial applications, this way energy is saved.
The abundant hot sunshine in Somaliland is a good candidate for solar hot water heating system; they would be very handy during the chilly winters. They are also great for hotels and lodging, due to the high hot water consumption in these areas.
They would reduce over dependence on petroleum-generated electricity and the use of environmentally unfriendly charcoal for heating water.
Principally, 1 square meter size of solar collector will heat 75 litres of hot water. For comparison, 2 square meter size of solar collector, which will heat 150 litres of hot water, will provide hot water for 4 - 6 person family. It therefore means that for an average 8-person family in Somali, a 300-litre hot water system would be sufficient.
Just to compare the cost repercussions of the installing a 300 litre (4m2) solar hot water system versus a 50 litre (Anniston) electric heater.
The electric heater costs $$$$$
Consumption of the heater = 1200watts
Heating hours once a day = 2 hours.
Energy used in heating once a day = 2400watthours = 2.4kwh
Cost of heating per day (per K wh) = 2.4.Kwh X $$$$ = $$$$
Cost of heating per month = $$$$X30 days =$$$$
Cost of heating per year = $$$$X12 months = $$$$
Cost of heating for 5 years (this is the estimated life of an electric heater) =$$$$X5 years =
Total cost of system in five years =
Total cost of 300 litre (4m2) solar water heating system = 2400
This system is guaranteed to work for twenty years with minimal maintenance.
From the comparison, over a period of twenty years, the electric heater user will spend $$$$$ dollars while the solar water heating system user will have saved $$$$ dollars. This is without considering the environmental effects that will have gained. Remember, a penny saved is penny earned.
The hindrances to solar hot water system are that they are applicable in areas with piped water; if not then a separate system for pumping water can be used. The other hindrance is the high initial cost incurred; the cost comparison has shown that it is actually cheaper to have a solar water heating system.
Give solar water heaters a serious thought.
Source: Jamhuuriya, June 14 2003
President interjects new cabinet appointments with expulsion of old members
President Dahir Rayaleh Kahin has on Thursday, June 12, expelled the Minister for Coordination with the bi-cameral Parliament, Adan Mohamed Abdullahi, only a day after he issued similar orders to the Assistant Minister for Information, Mohamoud Jama Warfaa, and the Director General of same Ministry, Hassan Omar Horri.
The expulsions, coming at a time the president was expected to complete the shape up of a new, post elections cabinet that he began only on June 5, took every one by surprise at street level.
Two aspects relating to the expulsions, particularly, astounded the general public. One, that the usual `Responsibility is rotational' statement Somaliland presidents ordinarily used when giving some high government official the boot did fit neither the time nor the on-going presidential appointments to the first cabinet the President was forming after winning the post in country's first multi-party elections on an UDUB ticket. The statement came out in a press release Abdi Idiris Dualeh, Presidency Spokesman, made on Thursday, June 12. Two, the President could have went on filling the remaining positions of his new council of Ministers, merely leaving out those he wished to keep out without attracting much attention to himself or his office.
As it is, the President's latest move only managed to start people wondering at how a straight, mandatory process should be so unnecessarily made to appear convoluted, difficult and amateurish. That a process once started need not have faltered in mid-step to spite someone that one could have sailed past un-noticed, or the fact that the 2 expelled ex-cabinet ministers were critical of government and its UDUB party accusing them of mobilizing national resources, extra-judicially, to come on top at the recent, April 14 presidential elections, did not go by unnoticed with public, either, going by the strong though muted reactions news of the expulsions generated.
President Dahir Rayaleh, sympathetic supporters counter, was grappling with an unkind situation. The President, they say, was trying to find a balance between a desire to put together a government that was neither as wieldy nor as ineffectual as the one it would replace, and a political reality that told him to retain as much of the loyalty that put him up for the post he holds as can be retained through political appointments.
The President, however, may still lose more supporters than gained, political analysts, here, contend if he does not immediately:
a) Complete remaining top - level cabinet appointments, qualitatively, to fit an extensively pruned council tree out of consideration for the wishes of the electorate.
b) Enter into constructive dialogue with opposition to set a date for parliamentary, general elections, showing a genuine propensity for changes and amendments to regulating instruments where such are required.
On June 5, last, the president appointed Ahmed Haji Dahir to Planning, Ms Edna Adan to Foreign Affairs, Mohamed S. M. Gees to Fisheries, Hussein Ali Dualeh to Finance, Ismail Adan Osman to Interior, Ismail Omar Adan to Defence and Mohamed Hashi to Commerce and Industries.
Only Ministers Hashi and Dualeh were new among this 1st batch.
Source: Jamhuuriya, June 14 2003
KULMIYE Officers renew call for release of jailed members
Two top officers of the KULMIYE opposition party - Secretary General Da'ud Mohamed Ghelleh and Executive Council member, Ex-veteran SNM officer Mohamed Kahin Ahmed, Friday, renewed calls on government to immediately and unconditionally release a number of Party members and supporters that the government put on unspecified detentions at Hargeisa Central and other jails around the country several weeks ago.
"We always caution each other against encroachment of individual rights, against violations circumventing the letter and spirit of the national constitution and what the laws of country strongly enjoin us to uphold and abide by. But there are those who positively relish dragging these revered laws on the dust, smashing them gleefully and with total abandonment, relying on immunities and anonymity of offices held", Ghelleh said, obviously alluding to government officers signing party supporters to incarceration without, on the other hand, ensuring that the law took its due course to safeguard the constitutional rights of `suspects'.
Ghelleh said there was no other course for government now, in light of its case crumbling against the detainees, but to immediately return them their usurped rights.
Mujahid (Veteran fighter) Kahin went a step further by accusing the flagrant violation of national laws, customary decencies on individuals who presently held high, decision-making positions in all of the executive, legislative and judicial organs of Somaliland.
"There are those who, if permitted, would have enacted Ghani-, Morgan-like personalities complete with their diabolical, psychopathic characters", he said.
Mujahid Kahin said that, here, in present-day Somaliland, history-tainted characters on the side of the cruel dictatorship, against which Somalilanders long struggled until they toppled it, were among those holding topmost responsibilities.
Among those intentionally besmearing the loftier aspirations and goals of the people of Somaliland were those who had had the immorality to negotiate for their total annihilation or abject subjugation with South African mercenaries only not that far back in history.
In fact, Mujahid Kahin only but supplied the name of the latter character he painted. But it was confirmed to enterprising reporters that the very man who put the negotiations with the South African mercenary, pilot fighters on the road was none other than the current speaker of the House Representatives, the Ahmed Mohamed Adan - then a Director General at General Barreh's Foreign Ministry.
Intimate knowledge of the movements of an engaged opponent, suspiciously watched former sworn enemy of Somaliland, had obviously driven Kahin to link past with present.
The following scans show other moves Qaibeh made in later periods to undermine a then, newly - proclaimed Republic of Somaliland.
Source: Jamhuuriya, June 14 2003
Government Compliments latest KULMIYE Communiqu‚', agrees to talks
In what appears to be the opening for long-awaited talks between the government of President Dahir Rayaleh Kahin, and its UDUB Party, on one side, and its closest runner-up in the recent Presidential elections of April 14, the opposition KULMIYE party, the government welcomed the latest, reviewed position of KULMIYE on election results, in a press statement the Presidency spokesman, Abdi Idiris Dualeh, released Thursday.
The government of Somaliland, Dualeh said, applauded the `reviewed' political stand that the leadership of the KULMIYE party now adopted as proclaimed in the latest press release it made to that view.
Dualeh's official, Presidency position on the KULMIYE Communiqu‚' further stated that the government was now ready to enter a dialogue bridging the political chasm between the two sides. To members of the informal Somaliland Council of Sultans (traditional leaders) who infused this fresh breath of hope to a generally desired settlement to the politically-steeped dispute between the two. The Presidency statement warmly commended their efforts, promising them consent to enter into dialogue, as negotiated.
The government statement did, however, steer clear of any mention of whether it had still one or two conditions tucked up its sleeve or was coming to the negotiating table with a singleness of purpose that solely rested on desire to consolidate national unity.
The government statement came only a day after the Parliament expressed similar pleasure at the re-phrased KULMIYE point of view on election results, as chairman Ahmed Mohamed Siilaanyo made it known on Tuesday.
Source: Jamhuuriya, June 14 2003
Hargeisa Councillors on Visit to Finland
Members of the recently elected city Council of Hargeisa, the capital, have reached Helsinki-Vaanta Airport, Finland, on Friday, June 13, at the head of a two-week official visit to Vaanta, Abdullahi Mohamed "Irro", JMG Finland Correspondent reports. The Councillors, the report said, are expected to get down to exhaustive consultations and working sessions with their Vaanta counterparts, and with members of the Finish Parliament, aimed to further develop budding bi-lateral relations of the two sides. The Councillors' visit follows a formal invitation the Hargeisa city Council - the first elected body of the capital - received from their Vaanta City counterparts recently. The Councillors were warmly received at the Vaanta Helsinki Airport, yesterday, by members of the Vaanta Municipal Council and officers of the Somaliland Community in Finland.
Source: Jamhuuriya, June 14 2003
Education Ministry declares Secondary, Intermediate leaving exams successful, promising
Ministry of Education officials, here, declared, Thursday, the secondary GSCE level and Intermediate leaving exams ending on June 12, "fair and free of untoward incidents and disturbances" due to, mainly, checking mechanisms the ministry put in place to foil any and all attempts detracting the smooth-flow of examinations at all sites or the "vigil" against fraudulence of any kind compromising effectiveness Ministry rules and all-round fairness of exams.
"The Ministry expects that measures it has implemented at the field to thwart any fraudulent practices adversely affecting fairness and transparency of the examinations from national to site levels would not only bring about tangible results but would, also, return public trust and confidence of Ministry and its Examination Board", H.E. Osman Hassan Mirreh, Somaliland minister for Education said.
The Minister said student chances for higher education, and for specialized vocational training opportunities are more promising successful entrants, this year, than they were before.
"In addition to the places the 2 universities of Amoud and Hargeisa and the intake the Regional Veterinary Institute of Sheikh offers graduating students, fellowships we expect from Egypt and university placements that negotiations we are carrying with a number of countries in region would probably make available augur a very promising future for the successful", the Minister said.
Director General Abdirahman Mohamed Maal, elaborating on the themes the Minister touched on, told reporters that openings for further education were pre-ponderously - but understandably - in favour of those who successfully sat for their General Secondary Certificate exams.
To date, the Director General said, fairly confirmed places awaiting GSCE graduates were as detailed below:
On the other hand, the DG said, the ministry took all possible steps to ensure that students either passed or failed in exams solely by merit of their individual absorption and retention of subjects taught and learned. This undertaking, he said, was not made any easier by a graph of graduating classes that was no where near that of last year. Number of schools that had graduating classes in regions, he said, were on the up, too.
"Graduating Form IV students sitting for the 2002-2003 scholastic year exams are 61.7% more than those who sat for same exams last year", he said.
Put differently, 1200 students sat for their GCSE last week, registering 740 students more than the 460 of last year - 2001 -2002. For students sitting for the Intermediate Leaving Exams, the number was 4000 - an increase of 1000, meeting 25% on those who qualified for examination roll numbers last year.
"There were 4 new For IV schools, too, this year joining other regions that had already fielded classes for graduation the previous year", DG Maal said.
Erigavo High and Garadag of Sanaag region and 1 each in Burao of Togdheer and Berbera of Sahel were, said the Director, the four secondary schools that had joined others who had graduating form IV classes.
Of the 6 regions that today constitute the Republic of Somaliland, Sool, alone, has yet to field its own secondary leaving classes.
All together the ministry had its task cut out by allocating invigilators, supervisory inspectors and resources to a total of 49 schools, among which number were 13 secondary schools, spanning across 5 regions for the deciding exams of June 7 to 12, last week.
Da'ud Ahmed Farah, President of the National Board of Examinations, told our reporters that the ministry assigned 54 invigilators and 9 site supervisors to ensure that graduating secondary students did not lack on-site guidance on administration-related matters or supervision. The number assigned to observe and maintain orderly process of examination rules at the 36 sites where intermediate leaving exams were taking place were, in contrast, 300 invigilators supervised by 26 site inspectors.
"In none of these 49 sites nothing that could not be handled by teachers and ministry officials on duty there was reported", Daud said.
Three privately owned centres, Da'ud said, were among the schools who had standard 8 students sitting for their final intermediate leaving exams: 2 in Hargeisa; 1 in Erigavo.
The rest, he said, were Togdheer (5), Sanaag (2), Sahel (2), Sool (3), Hargeisa (16) and Awdal (2).
Ahmed Ali Adan, Regional Education Officer of Hargeisa, present at the ministry briefing at one occasion, his supervisors pointed out, was, decidedly, weighed heaviest by a myriad of responsibilities that other REOs were spared of mainly. For one, they agreed, Hargeisa had the largest number of graduating classes, and the capital of the Republic, which mirrored the soundness and efficacy of national rules & regulations.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
Somalia and Survival in the Shadow of the Global Economy (Part 11)
Special Guest Writer for the Somaliland Times, Prof. William Reno, Northwestern University
Self-Determination in the Shadow of Globalization?
The analysis above makes clear that Somalia is not an ahistorical clan society. It shows how self-determination involves building polities that can impose order in a defined space through controlling the exercise of coercion and regulating transactions with outsiders. It underscores that self-determination is not an endogenous process. Polities develop as results, some more intentional than others, of internal and external interactions. This is not surprising. Major scholars and historians of state formation in the West long have noted that states developed there through internal processes of bargaining between authorities and those who wield means of coercion on the one hand, and societal responses to pressures and opportunities in the wider world on the other hand. This variability appears in Somalia's past too. Somalia's north appeared as `stateless' to I.M. Lewis quoted at the start of this work, as it did to Richard Burton in the 19th century. Yet it was also in the north that from the 10th to the 15th century was the site of small kingdoms under the Sultanate of Ifat. A 16th century sultanate included parts of the Upper Shabeelle River, Jubba River and Indian Ocean coasts that now are centres of disorder and conflict.
At the start of this work I highlighted four propositions that contribute to an explanation of this variation, and by extension the formation of new polities as vehicles for self-determination in the contemporary Somali space. These propositions also provide a basis for drawing out broader implications for movements of self-determination in the contemporary world, especially in the context of state failure, violence and economic marginality. First, throughout Somalia unofficial and non-state institutions have played key roles in building new authorities. Inter and intra clan negotiating norms, clandestine markets, and informal political networks tied to Barre's patrimonial strategy of rule all featured more centrally than did formal institutions of the Somali state, especially after collapse of the irredentist state-building project in the late 1970s. Barre and his cronies manipulated laws such as the franco valuta foreign exchange mechanism in the service of the informal institutions of patronage and clandestine deals that kept their political networks together. Likewise, international aid provided more resources for this social construction of violence and accumulation in the 1980s.
The second proposition, however, provides a lens for distinguishing the variable impact of these informal networks for the destruction and reconstitution of authority and the control of coercion. The variety of experiences in the Somali space shows that when formal and informal institutional frameworks favour old networks of elites with greater ties to local communities, the scope for intervention of disruptive political entrepreneurs is reduced. The experience of Somaliland, and to a lesser extent Puntland shows how local clan elders and military strongmen had to rely upon their ties to local communities and a large diaspora population to weather the consequences of Barre's suspicion and distrust of their intentions. Even if these people wanted to be part of Barre's privileged inner circle, they found that they faced greater hardship and fewer opportunities than did more favoured groups elsewhere in Somalia. By extension, this shows how marginality in the earlier period of patrimonial politics gave incentives to local authorities to build defensive arrangements. These later turned out to be social resources that gave clan elders the means to mediate conflict, control coercion and most importantly, regulate the social use of wealth to prevent enterprising strongmen from recruiting young men to loot local communities and rush to bargaining tables in distant cities to assert a claim to rule Somalia.
A major implication of this observation is that activities that governments, international agencies, and activists define as fuel for conflict and appropriate targets for suppression-`conflict diamonds', smuggling rackets and the like-may play important roles in mitigating conflict and underwriting self-determination. It is not the illegal or forbidden nature of the transactions that is most important in this analysis. Instead, the social context of these transactions is what determines the local legitimacy of this activity. Authorities in Somaliland succeed in substantial measure in the most basic task of governance, to `compel men equally to the performance of their covenants, by the terror of some punishment' whether in the guarantee of commercial contracts in lieu of Somaliland's access to conventional international commercial institutions, or to force local militias and armed young men to heed the broader interests of their communities. The major policy implication for this observation is that wanton international suppression of `illicit' or `wartime' commerce, as when the US president directed in late 2001 that sanctions be applied against informal money transfer institutions that serve overseas Somalis who send money home, can increase the risk of violence and undermine successful efforts at promoting order.
Third, where elites who adopt old informal institutions-such as clandestine commerce in the case of Somaliland-face competition from new institutions and channels that offer resources, the risk of fragmentation is higher. The cases above show how this proposition undermined order throughout Somalia during Barre's regime. The president attracted followers through offering resources that were autonomous of the social control of the communities from which these men hailed. Violence became generalized throughout Somalia by the late 1980s, even worse in the north than the south, but not all violence was the same. Everywhere it was worse when predators with outside sources of income attacked. The difference in the north was that legitimate local authorities, especially clan elders, could regulate sources of income for local strongmen and recruit them for fighting off interlopers. Later events demonstrated the same principle. Puntland's Abdullahi Yusuf, for example, proved more willing to loot his own community and defy arbitration by Puntland's elders when he could rely upon Ethiopian support. Indeed, it appears that Ethiopian authorities recognize that sponsoring endless `peace conferences' is a good way to keep Somalia fragmented to ensure it never poses an irredentist threat or that Somali groups develop effective ties to Ethiopia's own Oromo separatists. The broad policy implications for this finding are round-tables, conferences, NGO aid and other `conflict prevention' measures can intensify conflict and promote fragmentation if they are sought without consideration of the nature of local social control over resources and coercion. UN-sponsored peace talks in Mogadishu, for example, attract militia leaders to the city, resulting in an increase in fighting that overwhelms the local mechanisms that elders have devised to control conflict.
Finally, if local actors can meet the above conditions-regulate the flow of resources through all channels, including clandestine, control how those resources are used in order to mitigate freelance exercise of coercion, and do so free from the disruptive influence of outsiders bearing gifts and enticements that give enterprising freelancers other alternatives-they prove able to equip their societies to exploit opportunities in the international economy. The world economy is not favourable to places like Somaliland or Puntland. There is little that these places can sell to the rest of the world. On the one hand they remain highly dependent upon diaspora remittances, and they are not attractive places for investment by people who do not share the cultural ties and understandings that are integral to the regulation (and success) of business there. On the other hand, this condition may exempt local people from some of the more disruptive aspects of the world economy such as the sudden appearance of extremely efficient foreign enterprises that have more leverage to defy local interests and priorities. Somalilanders may lament the poor state of their economy at present. But strong ties between their diaspora and the informal regulatory power of local authorities seems to offer at least the possibility of following the paths of UAE, Singapore, Hong Kong, and to some degree Lebanon, which are among the few examples of prosperity and successful integration into the world economy on the basis of transnational family and clan cultural networks rather than the centralizing administrative projects that scholars of early modern European state-building describe (and which World Bank and other officials increasingly prescribe).
Taken together, these propositions recognize that marginal status in the global economy can be integrated into movements for self-determination, in this case, Somaliland's autonomy. Seemingly `archaic' and even (from an outsider's view) illicit social forms and activities can play important roles in this political change. Thus Lewis' `call of kinship' is important for understanding the Somali space and the future of its constituent parts, but it is hardly immutable, nor is it opposed to self-determination and state-building of a sort that is able to integrate into wider economic and political circuits.
To be continued
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
A Capable Woman Takes Over Foreign Affairs But New Finance Minister Unlikely to Fight Corruptio
Hargeisa- The President of Somaliland Republic, Dahir Rayale Kahin, reshuffled his cabinet on Thursday.
The reshuffle saw the reappointment in their previous positions of Interior Minister Ismail Adan, Defense's Ismail Omer Adan and Planning's Axmed Haji Dahir, while Edna Adan formerly Minister of Family Affairs And Social Development was transferred to the ministry of Foreign Affairs to replace Mohamed Saeed Gees who will now assume the position of Minister of Fisheries. Only two new ministers have joined the cabinet so far. They are Mohamed Hashi Elmi, a founding member of the SNM and former Mayor of Hargeisa, who was named as the new minister of "Commerce and Industry", and Awil Ali Dualle, a one-time military officer and diplomat, now appointed as Minister of Finance.
Rayale has won a lot of praise from Somalilanders for appointing the capable and hardworking Edna as foreign minister. With her skills in persuasion and her remarkable ability in articulating the cause of Somaliland in a way understandable to foreign interlocutors, Edna is expected to make a difference in how Somaliland will pursue the issue of diplomatic recognition.
Edna is the founder of the Edna Maternity Hospital in Hargeisa, a project she has funded with her entire life savings and pension income earned from working as health officer for the WHO for many years.
But hopes for the new cabinet to rid Somaliland government institutions of rampant corruption have been dashed by the appointment of Awil Ali Dualle as the country's new Finance Minister. Awil, a British military school graduate had served as Siyad Barre's Ambassador to Uganda and Kenya. As one of Siyad Barre's cronies, Awil had shown "little hesitation in acquiring money often through ruthless means," a person familiar with him recently said.
Hargeisa, 3 June 2003 (Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs) - At the invitation of the Honourable Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, MP, South African Minister of Foreign Affairs and Chair of the Executive Council of the African, the Rt. Mohamed Said Gees, Foreign Minister of Somaliland, paid an official visit to South Africa from 23 to 1 June 2003.
Minister Mohamed Said Gees was accompanied by Minister Edna Adan Ismail, Minister of Family Affairs and Social Development and Minister Mohamed Awale, Minister of Pastoral Development and Environmental Affairs.
Consequent to the discussions, the political relationship between South Africa and Somaliland has been strengthened with the agreement to continue discussions and exchange of strategic ideas. In addition officials will meet to take forward a common agenda agreed to by the principals.
In the political sphere the Ministers discussed issues such as: expanding Somaliland's peace and stability, the instability in Somalia; conflict resolution in the DRC and Sudan; Somaliland's policy position on the current Somalia peace talks in Nairobi; and the Ministers discussed positive ways to sustain Somaliland's peace and stability.
Minister Mohamed Said Gees congratulated South Africa, for the presence of South African NGO election observers for the Somaliland Presidential elections headed by internationally reputed Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, and on the leadership of President Mbeki up to and following the launch of the African Union. Minister Mohamed Said Gees stressed that Somaliland prefers to have relations and dialogue with democratic entities.
In addition to the bilateral discussions held by the Foreign Ministers, a meeting was held with Minister Essop Pahad, Minister in the Presidency of South Africa. In order to enhance further discussion on peace and stability in the Horn of Africa, the Ministers agreed that they would be discussed at senior political level in the near future. Minister Mohamed Said Gees thanked the Government of South Africa and its people for the warm hospitality and support extended to his delegation.
Mohamed Said Gees, Foreign Minister of Somaliland, during his visit also had the opportunity to meet with the Foreign Ministers of Mozambique and Sudan, the Mozambique Environmental Affairs Minister and, pay a courtesy call on H.E Pascal Mocumbi, the Prime Minister of Mozambique, in Maputo.
The Somaliland delegation also held talks with the Secretary-General of Africa's oldest liberation movement, the African National Congress, Comrade Kgalema Motlanthe.
On the final day of his visit, Foreign Minister Mohamed Said Gees, while addressing the media called on the international community, particularly Somaliland's neighbors, to provide diplomatic recognition to Somaliland. The Minister stressed that "the world cannot afford a replay of the cardinal error, where Arab countries did not recognise the State of Israel. This fatal error has led to world instability, unprecedented misery and human loss of Palestinians and Israelis. The Horn of Africa and the world cannot afford further human loss and to ignore Somaliland's stability and democratic local and presidential elections."
During Egal's presidency, Awil wanted to be appointed as Somaliland's representative in Kenya, but Egal turned him down. According to Abdi Aw Dahir, a former minister under Egal, the late president knew Awil well and didn't trust him. Awil's appointment as Finance Minister is seen by observers as proof of President Rayale's lack of stamina in routing corruption out of the government.
Known locally as Clean for his zero toleration of corruption and indiscipline at work, Mohamed Hashi Elmi is a perfection-obsessed workaholic. His most recent achievements included the building of Hargeisa Municipality form nothing to an effective institution (1995-1996). Many residents of Hagreisa agree that his successors as Mayors failed to keep up the high standard of municipal services that he left behind, let alone beat his record of achievements. The fact that the local government of Hargeisa is still functional today is partly due to the system he had installed and put into practice. By bringing Hashi on board, an architect by profession who turned into politics at the end of the seventies, President Rayale is seen to have made a smart decision. But many people have been disappointed that Mohamed Hashi was not appointed in one of such positions as Finance, Public Works, Planning or MRR&R where they believe he could have been more effective and useful.
The reappointment of the two ministers of Planning and Interior in their previously held positions has also drawn a lot of public criticism. Both men have been described as lacking the necessary qualifications for running their respective ministries.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
Somaliland Delegation Visits South Africa, Mozambique and Ethiopia
Hargeisa, 3 June 2003 (Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs) - At the invitation of the Honourable Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, MP, South African Minister of Foreign Affairs and Chair of the Executive Council of the African, the Rt. Mohamed Said Gees, Foreign Minister of Somaliland, paid an official visit to South Africa from 23 to 1 June 2003.
Minister Mohamed Said Gees was accompanied by Minister Edna Adan Ismail, Minister of Family Affairs and Social Development and Minister Mohamed Awale, Minister of Pastoral Development and Environmental Affairs.
Consequent to the discussions, the political relationship between South Africa and Somaliland has been strengthened with the agreement to continue discussions and exchange of strategic ideas. In addition officials will meet to take forward a common agenda agreed to by the principals.
In the political sphere the Ministers discussed issues such as: expanding Somaliland's peace and stability, the instability in Somalia; conflict resolution in the DRC and Sudan; Somaliland's policy position on the current Somalia peace talks in Nairobi; and the Ministers discussed positive ways to sustain Somaliland's peace and stability.
Minister Mohamed Said Gees congratulated South Africa, for the presence of South African NGO election observers for the Somaliland Presidential elections headed by internationally reputed Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, and on the leadership of President Mbeki up to and following the launch of the African Union. Minister Mohamed Said Gees stressed that Somaliland prefers to have relations and dialogue with democratic entities.
In addition to the bilateral discussions held by the Foreign Ministers, a meeting was held with Minister Essop Pahad, Minister in the Presidency of South Africa. In order to enhance further discussion on peace and stability in the Horn of Africa, the Ministers agreed that they would be discussed at senior political level in the near future. Minister Mohamed Said Gees thanked the Government of South Africa and its people for the warm hospitality and support extended to his delegation.
The Rt. Mohamed Said Gees, Foreign Minister of Somaliland, during his visit also had the opportunity to meet with the Foreign Ministers of Mozambique and Sudan, the Mozambique Environmental Affairs Minister and, pay a courtesy call on H.E Pascal Mocumbi, the Prime Minister of Mozambique, in Maputo.
The Somaliland delegation also held talks with the Secretary-General of Africa's oldest liberation movement, the African National Congress, Comrade Kgalema Motlanthe.
On the final day of his visit, Foreign Minister Mohamed Said Gees, while addressing the media called on the international community, particularly Somaliland's neighbors, to provide diplomatic recognition to Somaliland. The Minister stressed that "the world cannot afford a replay of the cardinal error, where Arab countries did not recognise the State of Israel. This fatal error has led to world instability, unprecedented misery and human loss of Palestinians and Israelis. The Horn of Africa and the world cannot afford further human loss and to ignore Somaliland's stability and democratic local and presidential elections."
For more information contact the Pretoria operations unit at + 27 - 82-880-8603
Issued by Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Hargeisa, Somaliland.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
Somaliland: Reflections on Democratic Transitions (IRI Washington, DC 20005)
In the fall of last year the International Republican Institute (IRI) conducted a comprehensive political assessment in Somaliland that prompted IRI to begin program activities aimed at supporting the young democracy. Since that time, IRI has conducted political party training, communications training and a campaign school in advance of the presidential elections in April. IRI will continue to support the democratization process through program activities on the ground and a roundtable discussion in Washington to discuss issues relevant to the process.
Although Somaliland has not been accorded international recognition since its self-proclaimed independence from Somalia in 1991, the region has emerged as a peaceful stronghold in a country torn apart by war and factionalism for over two decades. In May 2001, Somaliland conducted a referendum that resulted in endorsement of a new constitution and reaffirmation of its status as an independent state. In keeping with such democratic practices, political parties were re-established in Somaliland in 2000, and historical presidential elections were held on 14 April 2003.
In the run-up to the elections, the nascent political parties have worked to develop the capacity to effectively represent citizens' views, support candidates competing for office, and participate in post-election political processes. The organizations' execution of these tasks will be instrumental in legitimizing the elections, and Somaliland's first test of the strength of its fledgling democracy is yet to be determined, as election results are currently being contested. A successful outcome will not only affirm the region's continued conviction for democratic governance, but could also serve as a model for the conflict-ridden Horn of Africa where such conviction appears scarce.
This roundtable discussion will gather experts from the fields of Democracy and Governance to discuss some of the following issues, particularly in the post-election environment:
-- Election results and acceptance of appeals decisions
-- Continued maintenance and funding of parties in the lead-up to parliamentary elections
-- Power-sharing within government and the transition from vertical to horizontal authority structures
-- Constitutional reform
-- Cultivation of loyal opposition parties
Featured participants to include:
Lange Schermerhorn, former U.S. Ambassador to Djibouti
David H. Shinn, former U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia
John Prendergast, Co-Director of the Africa Program, International Crisis Group
Facilitator: Ahmed Esa, Ph.D., Director of the Institute for Practical Research and Training
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
Recognition and Citizens' Rights
Somaliland is a country that came into existence as a result of huge human rights violations that were committed against its citizens under the regime of Somalia's former dictator, Siyad Barre. Since the purpose of Somaliland's restoration as an independent free state is the protection of its people from a repetition of the great suffering they had experienced under Barre's dictatorship, Somalilanders couldn't be blamed if they guard their human rights closely and are sensitive to any potential abuse by their own government, or by the perpetrators of past crimes who are still on the loose in Somalia.
Recent reports accusing the Somaliland government of having violated the human rights of some of its citizens in the wake of the April 14 presidential elections, seem to have drawn negative responses from certain officials and individuals who support UDUB's government based on the belief that such revelations would damage Somaliland's chances of getting recognition from the international community.
Opponents of disclosing human rights violations have assigned their harshest criticism to a report by African Rights and its director, the Somaliland-born human rights activist, Rakiya Omaar. The report which was issued on May 23, 2003 by African Rights under the title "Somaliland: Shadows of the Past as Human Rights Deteriorate", contained well-documented cases of human rights violations, allegedly carried out by the government. Strangely enough, none of those who responded negatively to African Rights bothered to call upon the government to conduct an inquiry into the allegations. A logical question is why the government committed the alleged violations in the first place, since it obviously knew that revealing such actions would jeopardize Somaliland's chances of recognition? Or did the government think that depriving citizens of their rights is a serious a crime only if it were reported by international human rights and media organizations? Unfortunately, this notion that only negative publicity abroad is what matters is the dominant attitude among government leaders. Most of the less senior officials in the Administration even care less and less as one goes down the ladder of bureaucratic hierarchy.
Moreover, viewing "recognition" as something that could be gained as a result of a one-time or a few-times accomplishments such as the successfully-held local and presidential elections is misleading. In the present and foreseeable future, `recognition' would only be won if Somaliland continues to consolidate its stability and makes progress in democratization and good governance. Somaliland has certainly made considerable achievements in the above areas in comparison with other countries in this region or elsewhere in Africa. But Somaliland could have done much more.
One thing is certain. Somaliland will not be able to sustain its achievements unless basic freedoms such as the rights of movement and expression are upheld, and the rule of law is respected by the government and citizens alike. No one is going to respect a government that fails to investigate allegations of human rights abuses leveled against its officials or one that tolerates arbitrary arrests, appalling prison conditions and the use of lethal weapons for the dispersion of peaceful demonstrations. The gentlemen in the diaspora who support UDUB have to take this into account. They have to ask why President Rayale's Administration is still denying trial to a group of SNM veterans who were arrested May 19 on charges of engaging in anti-government activities? Isn't it a double standard to describe KULMIYE's position of rejecting the decision made by the Somaliland electorate in the April 14 presidential election as unconstitutional, while at the same time the UDUB-led government violates the constitution through the unlawful use of the police and harassment of journalists?
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
The Positive Approach Of UDUB
The elections of 14 April, the united and democratic alliance of the people (UDUB) chose a positive approach of what was happening. We saw this is effective in creating peace and happiness for the people of Somaliland.
The leadership of UDUB realised the alternative - applying resistance, judgement antagonism and hatred - has the effect of empowering what we oppose ( KULMIYE and their leadership). We decided to do our job as a responsible party and create our part of the reality that the people of Somaliland were experiencing.
Rayale, the president of Somaliland and the leader of UDUB, consulting with his political campaigners and the elite of UDUB, understood:
-- If there is light (truth and wisdom) in the soul, there will be beauty (goodness) in the person (The leader).
-- If there is goodness in the leader (person), there will be harmony in the land.
-- If there is harmony in the country, there will be order in the nation - Somaliland.
-- If there is order in the nation, there will be peace in the country - Somaliland.
We are sure that evil (Ignorance and arrogance) is like a shadow - it has no real substance of its own, it is simply a lack of light (the truth). You cannot cause a shadow to disappear by trying to fight it but you cast a light (the truth) and that is what UDUB leaders did to stop KULMIYE leaders when they failed to uphold the constitution of Somaliland, let alone the morality of keeping the promises they undertook.
The campaign is over but I have one word for Ahmed M. Sillanyo and his company: "when ego is relinquished, the vision becomes clear and in seeing we find the purpose (the goodness of the people of Somaliland)."
Waste no time debating yourself, what a good man for Somaliland be. Must be one and start communication and dialogue with the president of Somaliland, this is what democracy is all about.
Never deprive the citizens of our small country of their hope, it may be all they have, Ahmed.
Every man is responsible of writing his own history book by his deeds or his words; it is not for us UDUB to judge KULMIYE or UCID. That is for the public of Somaliland to judge, but we are accountable for own actions and policies.
President of Somaliland Daahir Rayale Kahin, backed by the people of Somaliland will run the country and do his job at his best to make Somaliland a better liveable place for us all and our children.
There is nothing like a dream to create a future for our children and our people.
We live for the future. Somaliland belongs to the energetic young men and women, do your job.
I hope the new government will come with a change in terms of accountability, credibility and a new culture of good governance - a transparent one. This new government is a UDUB government and it should fulfil its promises to the nation. No more broken promises.
Mohamed Mohamoud Adan, UDUB-Norway
mlenin49@hotmail.com
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
A Reply to Faisal Ali Warabe
Osman A. Egal
31st May 2003
It is most unfortunate that Faisal Ali Warabe should present himself as the sole champion and defender of Somaliland, its institutions and constitution. It s also most unfortunate that he should expect the people of Somaliland to believe him and trust that he will defend them against the very men who spent the best years of their lives in a struggle with the evil regime of Siyad Barre.
I do not need to speak for these men nor does one need to defend their record at a time when Ali Warabe was doing other things with his youth and wealth when these same men and women staked everything they had in a war they did not know they would win and for a country they wanted to liberate.
The people themselves and the history of this country will write the record of each.
I would however like to respond to Ali Warabe's on the issue of human rights and the value of the reports of the press, media and African Rights and Rakiya Omaar in Somaliland.
He stated that these reports have and are likely to damage the country abroad and that they have confused the people of Somaliland. In both respects, therefore, in his view, the writing and/or the publication of these press and human rights reports are damaging and contrary to the interest of Somaliland.
Again, I will not speak for the media of Somaliland who are more than capable of speaking for themselves in response to Ali Warabe.
What is tragic, however, is that Ali Warabe who stood as a presidential candidate of an OPPOSITION(!) party should turn out to be so anti-press and anti-human rights before he even has any hope of being a minister let alone president. Instead of defending Somaliland's citizens, their rights against everyone and the rule of law, he is telling us that these people should not be defended by anyone at all and/or that their beatings, imprisonment and ill-treatment at the hands of the "Government" should not be reported. Either way, these victims as they have informed the press and African Rights should be ignored.
If Ali Warabe will do this to defenceless women and children and their legitimate and CONSITUTIONAL rights at this very early stage of his political career, what might he do to the rest of us at a later stage of his career if he held real power?
Ali Warabe, the people of the US impeached President Nixon for lying on tape and for harassing 2 journalists from the Washington Post. They upheld the law. Know that Presidents come and go but the people and the law are permanent. And yet you talk of a ship and dollars lost when they talk of women, children, their rights and the constitution.
What does Somaliland stand for if not these people?
For historical background also, I respond to Ali Warabe. Rakiya Omaar, a graduate of 2 universities in history and then in law, chose to change from being a corporate lawyer in New York to work with the Lawyers Committee on Human Rights also based in New York. This was in 1982. She did so when she began working to support those imprisoned in Hargeisa, Burco and Berbera known as UFFO. And she changed her career altogether when she was given an original signed copy of the transcript of the National Security Court report of this same UFFO case.
This is the starting point of her human rights work, namely Somaliland and she has been on the case ever since. That is over 20 years ago. As you are no doubt aware also, she resigned from her post as Executive Director of Africa Watch when America went to war against the people of Somalia during Operation Restore Hope.
She did all this without seeking political office as you do and yet she speaks for the men, women and children of Somaliland. It is tragic that she should be doing what a politician like yourself should do and it is tragic that you as a politician instead of speaking for defenseless men, women and children as is your duty not only as a man but as a politician at that, should be blaming her for doing it.
Last but not least, when she was defending the rights of UFFO and the people of Somaliland in the US, Europe and the world press, some of the same arguments that you make today were the very same ones used by Siyad Barre and his former Ambassadors such Ahmed Mohamed Adan "Qaybe".
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
Respecting Human Rights is the Law of the Land
Ali Gulaid, CPA
The human rights the Rayaale administration is violating and the civil liberties it is eroding, which Africa Right has recently catalogued and released, has infuriated few in the diaspora. On the other hand, a disturbing analysis of Somaliland's budget (use of resources) that revealed fiscal irresponsibility, abuse of power, gross mismanagement, deliberate waste of meager resources and misplaced priorities, was received without furor - as if systematic corruption is a birthright.
Briefly, Africa Right's report has documented numerous incidents of human rights violations and systematic erosion of civil liberties, while the budget analysis I have compiled demonstrated unprecedented levels of mismanagement and bad governance. For example, President Rayaale is the highest paid elected public official in the whole world, higher than that of Bush according to the adopted budget of 2003. Similarly, Vice-President, Ahmed Y. Yassin is paid higher than the Vice-President of the United States. Ridiculous. Indeed both reports are damaging to the reputation of Somaliland, however the reaction they generated were starkly different: one muted, the other loud even though orchestrated. But the underlying reason for the reactions was one and the same: keep it under the rug; let us not fuss about human rights infractions and fiscal mismanagement right now, and let us not wash our dirty linen in front of the world community, lest it may cost us recognition.
Freedom and human dignity come before political recognition. The suggestion of tolerating inhumane treatments now, trusting that the perpetrator (government) would outgrow and ban them later after recognition is received, is a sacrifice Somaliland can ill-afford. The Somaliland diaspora should know better. In North America and in Europe, abusing your family is not only reprehensible but it is also against the law punishable by hard labor of many years behind bars. Studies about family relations have concluded that espouses that don't report and endure abuse eventually pay the highest price. Obviously, tolerating abuse encourages more. The obligation to intervene, chronicle, report and stop such infractions isn't only the duty of the human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Africa Right but it is also the duty of the global community as a whole. More importantly, the constitution guarantees these rights and civil liberties and the government has a fiduciary duty to protect the inalienable rights of its citizens and like any family the government should be held accountable for human rights violations under all circumstances. Recognition doesn't factor into the human rights equation.
A different stroke for different folks, some argue. That is discriminating, objectionable and unacceptable. Sadly, some of my colleagues in the Somaliland Forum argue that Somaliland is too young to understand, too inexperienced, too illiterate and too nomadic to care and to bother human rights issues. The implication is human rights and civil liberties of those who are less fortunate deserve to be violated. First, human rights are inalienable: That is god given and like life no one has the right to take it away and the level of education and social status doesn't factor in the human rights equation either.
Second, committing human rights violations at an early age might prove costlier to break it at a later age. It is not cost effective and the benefits are: none. Only good behavior and good governance are redeemable at the international forums.
Governments are repressive by nature. Granted that, it is always prudent to be vigilant for surreptitious human rights transgression. But the human rights violations being committed against the people of Somaliland today are blatant and that should be a poignant remainder of the not so distant past. Recently, an American ex-State Department official shared with me that Hargeysa has the dubious distinction of being the only city in the world where fighter jets took off its airport, bombarded the city and its citizens and landed at the airport of the city they just attacked like nothing happened. Did it really happen? Some might argue.
Thanks to the mighty pen of Ms. Rakiya Omaar, the world-renowned human rights activists, that has drawn attention to the plight of Somaliland. And thanks to the diligence and the dedication of human rights organizations like Amnesty and Africa Watch headed by our own Nightingale Rakiya, the international community has registered and chronicled these memorable incidents on its minds and its records. The carcasses are plenty and the scars are too horrific to disguise and dismiss and now that the international Court is established, the international community is on the footsteps of the perpetrators. Justice would be served swiftly and that should deter the would-be violators. Of course, human rights violations committed today aren't of the same scale as that of the "faqash" disturbing pattern is emerging and if it isn't exposed today, then when? And who would be a better activist to do so than Rakiya?
It is time to be vigilant. Considering that the majority of the current administration is former members of the infamous National Security Service (NSS), which oversaw the death and destruction of the country, the likelihood of relapsing into the old habits is pretty good. For that, it isn't the time to be complacent and marginalizing human rights violations; and certainly not the time to sweep it under the rug; rather, it is time to be vigilant.
Bad behavior shouldn't be rewarded. For those of you who are concerned of how this negative publicity would affect Somaliland's chance of recognition, rest assured that it wouldn't enhance Somaliland's position. But sacrificing human rights to gain recognition and facing the international community with a well-rehearsed grin like a totalitarian society isn't contemporary at this age. The end doesn't justify the means. And by the way, enhancing Somaliland's image would take more than faking a grin: whole lot more. Practicing democratic principles, respecting human rights and civil liberties, separation of powers, accountability, transparency, free and fair elections, curbing corruption and waste, working at least 16 hours a day, allocating resources according to need would go a long way in improving Somaliland's hand.
Compare that with these malfeasance: rigging elections, bankrupting the coffers, printing election money to cause unnecessary inflation, appointing sixty ministers to help for the campaign, violating human rights, chewing "qaat" 8 hours a day, pulling down $515,900 and $188,700 respectively (compare that with $400,000 and $181,000 the salaries of President Bush and Vice-President, Dick Cheney) as a yearly salary while the meager salaries of the security forces, a paltry yearly sum of $216, remain on arrears three months at a time; while the mentally unstable are languishing in the hospitals; while kids are unschooled; one could go on and on. This isn't what I have envisioned. These negative practices are enough to cancel out any goodwill accrued for Somaliland.
Frankly, the detractors of the Africa Right's report aren't disputing about the facts. As a matter of fact, there was nothing new on the report. The local newspapers have extensively written about most of the incidents the report documented. The fear of the detractors is that Rayaale's administration would be no match for the credibility and the professionalism of Africa Right in the international community. The pen is mightier than the sword. Interestingly, the critics of Africa Right's report have failed to denounce the fiscal irresponsibility of the regime, which the budget analysis has uncovered. Misappropriating funds isn't a birthright but human rights are. What a double standard!
Once faqash, always faqash is a maxim that I found meaningful in anticipating the intentions and the activities of the former ex-NSS officers and their associates. And that is why I wasn't surprised to learn that Faysal Ali Warabe was the first to attempt to discredit Africa Right and its work. Some are never rehabilitated. May the rest of us aim for higher marks on human rights and realize that respecting human rights and civil liberties are constitutionally guaranteed. And that is the law of the land.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
Unlearned Lessons of History and Human Rights Abuses?
Dahir A. Jama, London, England
African Right's report on the human rights abuses in Somaliland is a wake up call for all Somalilanders. The arrests of SNM veterans without due process, the siege of the elders in Gabiley, curfews and the everyday and ongoing harassment of opposition members are what we fought against, and what we never expected to see again. Taken together, these are all terrible reminders of past ugly times.
When the African Rights report: Shadows of Past; was first published I was shocked and dismayed. Not because I did not hear of human rights abuses in Somaliland before, but because of its magnitude and timing, at this time. The people that fought for this country and that made it what it is today were being arrested and abused at Minter's order. The women and children what were abused and made homeless by the Faqash, are being harassed and terrorized by our OWN police. The elders and traditional leaders whom we owe the peace and stability we have today are being treated as criminals. This should not have been possible in a nation like Somaliland with such a recent history of abuse and oppression. This should not have been in Somaliland, twelve years after it has reclaimed its sovereign status. Most importantly, this should not have been allowed to happen to the poor people of Somaliland who have already been burned once; thus twice shy about resistance and struggle.
The overwhelming majority of Somalilanders in the Diaspora work very hard to make themselves a better life, and for the betterment and development of their country, Somaliland. For them, a recognized and prosperous Somaliland is their ultimate goal. I am among these Somalilanders in the Diaspora; and for the good parts of past decade, I have spent most of my time campaigning for the Somaliland cause. However, as many here in the Diaspora, I have become disillusioned about the situation in Somaliland of late. I have become sad and angry because the Somaliland I see today is not the Somaliland I envisioned. I am dismayed because the efforts and energy of Somalilanders everywhere, which they have invested in Somaliland for the past 12 years, is close to being wasted. I am lost and unable to find a way forward because the Somaliland I used to call the only hope of Democracy in the horn of Africa is becoming another member of the Dark Continent. I am worried because Somaliland seems to be in the hands of a President who is unable to control his Ministries or take charge of his lieutenants. I am fearful for the future because the actions and deeds of the current government do not give me hope for the future.
My dear country men/women, this situation cannot be allowed to go on for much longer. Somalilanders are very patient people in their nature; but they are also very sensitive to injustice and inhumane treatments. Therefore, in the interests of Somaliland, and in the interests of our good earned reputation in the international arena, I ask the government of Rayale Kahin to bring these barbaric acts of human rights abuses to an abrupt halt. I urge him to hold his Ministers accountable; else the people, the Country and History will hold him accountable for their actions. I plead with him for the sake of this country, not to wreck the good name and reputation this country has acquired over the past decade.
I have envisioned a Somaliland where justice and freedom are taken for guaranteed. A Somaliland where arbitrary arrests, police beatings and/or brutality are things of the past. Was I wrong? I believe there is still hope, but for how long that hope will remain, no one knows.
There is no point in asking African Rights not to publicize these abuses; African Rights has a legal, ethical and moral obligation to publicize them. However, the government has a responsibility to prevent these acts of abuses from taking place, and blackening the good name of Somaliland. I am confident that the government will head the advice of its many citizens, less it wants to be judged by history and by the people.
Finally, although most of these human rights abuses were well publicized in the local Media, at the time, I, nevertheless, would still like to thank and knowledge the bravery and heroic acts of a decent Somalilander, a Somaliland heroin: Ms Rakiya Omaar, who is doing a splendid job for her country and people. We all remember her services to her people and her country in the early 1990s and late 1980s when no one wanted to hear about the plight of Somalilanders; and she was the one telling everyone that would listen about the plight of Somalilanders. In line with most concerned Somalilanders, I would like to express my appreciation and gratitude for her services to her nation and people. She is a Somalilander we are all proud of; a heroin, in a society where heroes are made into villains within strikingly very short period of time.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 72 June 7, 2003
A Cesspool of Illogicality
Who won the war of liberation of Somaliland? The Faqash or Somaliland? I am sure everyone will say `of course Somaliland won the war. I mean, everybody knows this'. But wait a minute. Look at Somaliland, what do you see? You see those who were with the Faqash till the last minute occupying the highest offices of the land. Rayale is the President, Qaybe is the Speaker of the Parliament and H. Abdi Waraabe who was an acolyte of Gaani and then Morgan is a senior member of the Guurti.
Some may say, `Qaybe and Rayale are members of the "beelaha daafaha" as H. Abdi Waraabe said recently, so let us give them an allowance for that'. Well, this is not a valid refutation of what I just said - that these men remained with the Faqash till the last minute, and would, most likely, still be with the Faqash had the SNM lost the war. Moreover, we cannot have it both ways; we cannot say `Ok. We are going to leave the "shir beeleed" behind us' and at the same breath say `let us not talk about certain things concerning certain people because they happen to be from certain clans'.
Such an argument is irrelevant anyway, because I am not talking about clans, I am talking about individuals. There are many Isaaqs who were with the Faqash till the last minute also. Rayale and Qaybe are the most visible leaders we have today and they happen to belong to the `beelaha daafaha`. Had Allah, swt, made Rayale and Qaybe off springs of Isaaq men my arguments would still be valid. I am describing what I see.
A glaring example of illogicality in Somaliland is the case of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. This man came from Garoowe and straight into the highest legal office of the land. No questions asked. This doesn't happen even in companies. An applicant for a senior position in any company would be grilled to determine if he or she is compatible with the culture and niche of the company.
I suppose if Cisman Kalluun and Jama Yare come back tomorrow they will be accorded heroes' welcome and bestowed with senior government positions! Why not?
Can you imagine Bathists or high officials in the Dergue regime ruling Iraq or Ethiopia? How did it happen that Somaliland is ruled by the remnants of the Faqash? Why weren't there any safeguards? Could this error be the Achilles' heel of Somaliland?
Are we really serious about seeing an independent Somaliland? Or are we playing with the emotions of the populace? Why are we taking such unnecessary risks? What has Somaliland lost by being led by these men? Can we ever know? Can anyone guarantee the people, for instance, that the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court or Qaybe are for the sovereignty of Somaliland? Does it matter or it doesn't? If it matters then why is Somaliland led by these people? If it doesn't matter then why do we chastise the Arta clique for being full of Barre's remnants?
We should put up or shut up. We should know what we are doing.
Suleiman Mohamoud (smohamoud@hotmail.com)
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