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Al Jazeera's Mohammed Adow on the breakaway territory in Somalia's north that hopes that with prosperity, will come independence.
Economic success in Somaliland
On the dusty streets of the market-place in the Hargeisa, the capital, goods are displayed. Money-changers also do a brisk trade, converting between shillings, dollars and euros. They are cashing in on relative stability in the enclave [in order] to build solid businesses.
Goods in the market are brought in through the port of Berberra. The port itself is the backbone of the territory's economy, and the main source of revenue for the government.
This is the port of Berberra, the single-most-important facility in Somaliland[;] it accounts for about 80 per cent of national revenue.
Strategically located off the Gulf of Aden, which connects this part of Africa to the Middle East, it is the port of choice for many.
Ali Omar is in charge of the port's management. "This port is important not only to Somaliland, but [also to] the whole region," he says. "Goods brought in through here find there way to Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya and sometimes even Uganda."
Two-way aid
If the docks of Berberra oil the wheels of the government, then it is remittances from abroad that keep the private sector moving.
Many families survive on money sent back by relatives in Europe, the US and the Gulf who fled during during the 1991 civil war.
The government estimates that the diaspora sends back about $500 [million] to Somaliland every year.
Yet Somaliland's population also sends money to their relatives abroad, when the going gets tough for them.
As one woman, Amina, says: "I am sending money to my mother, who lives in Canada. I want her to come and stay with us during the summer. I have up to seven relatives living in Canada. We support each other."
Optimism
The large flows of capital have contributed to the rapid economic recovery in post-war Somaliland.
In the capital, multi-storey buildings are springing up.
The livestock sector has traditionally been the backbone of the Somaliland economy.
A seven-year ban on export of Somali livestock to the Gulf had a crippling effect on both the rural and urban economies. However, a recent lifting of this ban has provided much optimism. Somaliland's people for now depend on their more predictable sources of income to survive.
And for now they seem to succeed.
Country Focus: Somaliland - Interest free but not yet Shari’ah-compliant economy
01 January, 2008
Renat Bekkin
Having survived a civil war and living in international isolation, Somaliland, a de facto independent state in the territory of Somalia, is gradually developing its financial sector. The banking services are interest-free in this entirely Muslim republic. But does it mean they are Shari’ah-compliant? Renat Bekkin, PhD in Law, senior researcher at the Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, reports.
Sarraffs (money changers) at work,Somaliland
In 1991, the unified country of Somalia de facto ceased to exist. The civil war, which had broken out three years earlier, had led to the break up of the state into three separate areas: Somaliland, Puntland and Somalia.
At the time one could hardly call the former British colony and then province of Somalia – Somaliland – a country. It was virtually a bare territory with its infrastructure completely destroyed by the war.
The world community did not rush to recognise the new state and hardly anyone would have predicted that the country would survive. But 16 years on, Somaliland continues to exist as a state despite international political isolation and weak central government.
The main source of welfare for Somaliland's citizens is not international aid, but money sent by their relatives from abroad. Because of the underdevelopment of the financial sector, money transfer operators have practically taken on the role of banks.
The situation within the country’s banking sector presents a paradox. Officially, there are two banks in Somaliland – Bank of Somaliland and Commercial Bank of Somaliland. The paradox is that the first bank, which is nominally a central bank, plays the role of a commercial financial institution, while the latter is more of a state treasury than a fully-fledged commercial bank. The main task of the Bank of Somaliland is to support the national currency and fight inflation. In order to do so, the bank carries out currency interventions, buying considerable sums in local currency (shillings) for US dollars.
The US dollar is the main currency in Somaliland, while the shilling is used mostly for small purchases. The state does not obstruct the activity of private traders – sarraffs (money changers) – and considers them to be of assistance rather than competition at this stage in the development of the country’s currency market.
Apart from supporting the national currency, the Bank of Somaliland acts mainly as a commercial bank. It offers current and deposit accounts, both of which are interest-free. But this does not mean that the bank operates according to Shari’ah – the real reason for the operations appearing to be halal is that the bank just doesn’t have enough capital to open and maintain accounts that accrue interest.
The main problem for the country’s banking sector is the absence of sufficient capital and guarantees. If banks require capital, the Bank of Somaliland is not able to provide it. The ineffectiveness of the regulation of the banking system is manifested first of all in the absence of relevant legislation. The government is currently drawing up a Banking Act and it is hoped that this will attract foreign banks into the country’s banking market.
Meanwhile, there are no fully-fledged commercial banks in Somaliland. The main bulk of banking services is provided by money transfer operators (hawaladars), chiefly by Dahabshiil, the largest provider of money transfer services in the country.
Dahabshiil was created in 1970 and today it is the richest financial structure, not only in Somaliland but throughout the entire Somali territory. Officially, Dahabshiil is a money transfer organisation with the majority of its customers being representatives of the Somali community living abroad (the senders) and Somalis living at home (the recipients). In fact, it is Dahabshiil and not the Bank of Somaliland which functions as a central bank in the country.
The main source of welfare for Somaliland's citizens is not international aid, but money sent by their relatives from abroad. Because of the underdevelopment of the financial sector, money transfer operators have practically taken on the role of banks.
Today, Dahabshiil is more than just the engine of Somaliland’s financial sector; it also drives the country’s economy as a whole. Dahabshiil does not limit its activities to providing banking services (interest-free current accounts), but also participates in projects such as creating new banks. A few years ago, it was involved in an attempt to set up the first Islamic bank in the country. Yemen-based Saba Islamic Bank was Dahabshiil’s partner. The new entity was to be called Dahab Saba – to reflect the involvement of both founders. But the government decided that establishing an Islamic bank in the country was not expedient at that time and the project was moved to Djibouti, where it was supported by the government and personally by that country’s president.
However, Somaliland did succeed in cooperating with Islamic Development Bank (IDB). IDB supports a number of projects connected with land improvement and public health services in the country, but there is no talk as yet of creating a Shari’ah-compliant banking system in the country. IDB offers assistance with projects that are supported by the government. But as Somaliland’s government is not keen on the development of Islamic banking in the country, the collaboration with IDB does not involve issues of developing a Shari’ah-compliant financial sector in Somaliland.
Abdourahman Dualeh Mohamoud, governor of the Bank of Somaliland, thinks that at the moment the bank does not support the development of Islamic banking within the country. It is believed that the introduction of this type of bank would undermine the existing balance – people would withdraw their accounts from banks and quasi-banks that don’t pay interest and take their money to the Islamic banks, which offer profit, albeit not guaranteed. In effect, the Bank of Somaliland and its governor consider Islamic financial institutions to be competitors at present. In this respect, the Bank of Somaliland is acting like a commercial bank rather than a central bank.
In addition to the two banks and a number of hawaladars operating in the country, the population’s financial services requirements are also met by cooperatives.
Consumer loans on a cooperative basis have profound roots in the country. People who do not have enough money for large purchases form a group and regularly make contributions into a mutual fund. The group elects a treasurer who manages the fund. When the required sum has accumulated, it is given to a member of the cooperative who needs it. This goes on until all the members’ needs are met.
Another source of loans, mostly for small and medium-sized enterprises (SME), are microfinance organisations. Strictly speaking, there is only one company that specialises purely in SME – Amaah Kalkaal (translated as Loan Helper from the Somali language). Other organisations treat microfinance as a sideline business.
Amaah Kalkaal was created in 1998 thanks to a grant from the European Union. It has the status of a non-commercial organisation and therefore does not pay any taxes. The organisation is located in Hargeisa and there are 76 groups, comprising 2300 customers (including those who have taken repeated loans) registered with the company. Until recently, Amaah Kalkaal offered two types of loan: individual and group. Both types have been given for further development of already existing businesses but not for starting up new ones. Individual loans are now no longer available, but the organisation continues to work with borrowers who already have them. There are only a handful of individual loan takers (just 30), less than one per cent of the total number of borrowers. The main reason for such a low rate is the strict requirement of property ownership (a car, house etc) in order for the applicants to prove their solvency.
Amaah Kalkaal’s customers have to pay a fixed charge on the loans they take out. The company claims that this is not riba, which is forbidden according to Shari’ah, but rather a fixed commission for services provided. For example, the first group loan, which is limited to $500, has a nine per cent commission for six months (or 18 per cent per annum). If the debt is paid off in full and on time, a borrower can then apply for $1000, then $1500 and so on. If the borrower cannot pay off a loan in time, there is no fine or penalty. The individual loan sum varies from $1000 to $11,000, with a 16 per cent commission. As in the case of group loans, there are no extra charges for delayed payments.
Still, not everybody is willing to take out a loan from Amaah Kalkaal. Many prefer to turn to their relatives, clan members and friends for financial support. The fact that the company makes a fixed charge for its services concerns greatly the 100 per cent Muslim population of Somaliland. In its defence, the company refers to the view of some scholars that a fixed commission for financial services is not considered to be riba. Such an argument clearly doesn’t withstand critical examination; nor does the statement of Amaah Kalkaal’s representatives that the activity of the organisation is somewhere in the middle between halal and haram.
It is fair to say, however, that in order to expand its customer base, Amaah Kalkaal did attempt to lay a Shari’ah-compliant foundation to its financing activities. The company invited Shari’ah scholars from Kenya to develop its Islamic loan scheme. The scheme proposed by the scholars did not suit Amaah Kalkaal though, as it disrupted the main principle of the company (a simplified loan granting system without any excessive paperwork involved), as Islamic methods of financing require a more rigid attitude towards checking the applicant’s solvency.
A new group of Shari’ah scholars is currently working at Amaah Kalkaal in order to develop SME products based on murabaha and mudarabah. The company has plans to move to purely Islamic financing in due course.
All in all, despite the underdevelopment of the banking sector in Somaliland, some financial institutions do exist and operate in the country’s banking market. Insurance companies are a completely different matter though.
There are no insurance providers in Somaliland at the moment. The role of insurer rests with the clan, tribe, well-off relatives and friends. Thus, a member of a clan can claim compensation without paying regular insurance contributions. Later, he/she has to repay the sum to the insurer (whether this is a group or an individual), although repayment is subject to availability. Mutual insurance exists in Somaliland, although in its primordial form. People form groups and each participant contributes a sum; a member of the group receives compensation when he/she needs it.
In its current form, Somaliland’s financial sector is far from being the country’s main source of revenue. Its key income comes from customs duties and harbour dues, as well as entry and exit taxes. Tax collection of other types of duties is considerably hampered by the weakness of the fiscal system and the lack of an established method of taxation. For example, income tax, the rate of which is frequently stated at will, can be lowered based on an oral agreement between a tax-payer and the government. The absence of a common inland revenue system affects the collection and distribution of taxes; even the collection of zakat (an obligation on Muslims to pay a prescribed percentage of their wealth to specified categories in society when their wealth exceeds a certain limit) is affected due to the lack of a proper collection mechanism. Zakat is not an official tax in Somaliland and is often combined with the lump sum charity payment – sadaqah.
In addition to paying zakat and sadaqah, well-to-do Somalis also donate land and funds for the building of mosques in the country, although officially this type of endowment – waqf – is absent in Somaliland. At the moment, the waqf institution in the country is being used only for building mosques and not as yet being applied for resolving other important social and economical tasks.
An analysis of the country’s current economic situation draws the conclusion that the absence of Islamic financial institutions in the country is the result of the underdevelopment and weakness of the country’s financial sector. Absence of a legislative base and the position of the central bank brought attempts to introduce the first Islamic bank in Somaliland to nothing.
At the same time, the experience of existing financial institutions has shown that the population tries to avoid operations involving riba (interest). So much so that the major microfinance organisation in the country, Amaah Kalkaal, had to turn to Shari’ah scholars for assistance in developing Shari’ah-compliant products. It is important to emphasise that the majority of the population of Somaliland does not have enough knowledge to understand the particulars of whether a certain banking product or service complies with the Shari’ah. Almost certainly this is an area that requires assistance from IDB – the development of specific educational programmes to explain the advantages of Shari’ah-compliant economy to the country’s population. At the moment, this function rests with Amaah Kalkaal, which specialises in microfinancing, although the experience of Amaah Kalkaal shows that this organisation does not itself always interpret correctly the issue of riba prohibition by Islamic law. The development and introduction of Shari’ah-compliant methods of financing at Amaah Kalkaal inspires hope of unfolding the principles of Islamic finance among wider sections of the population in Somaliland.
Today, the banking system of Somaliland is not yet ready for the appearance of fully-fledged commercial banks. Passing the relevant legislation is an important, but not the only, necessary step towards creating a fully-fledged banking system. The ending of international isolation will also surely be a breakthrough in establishing a stable financial sector in Somaliland. This, however, is still a long way off.
Meanwhile, money transfer operators take on the role of more than just mediators of providing Somaliland with financial means from abroad – they substitute for the country’s underdeveloped banking sector.
The International Republican Institute (IRI) has been active in Somaliland since the fall of 2002, when the institute conducted a comprehensive political assessment. The institute subsequently began program activities aimed at supporting the young democracy. Since that time, IRI has conducted a number of trainings in advance of the April 2003 presidential election, and in preparation for parliamentary elections, held in September 2005. Additionally, the institute conducted a staff assessment of the September 29, 2005 parliamentary elections and produced a report on its findings.
Political Party Development
IRI hosted trainings on empowering political parties in advance of the presidential election held in April 2003. Following the election, IRI hosted a roundtable to discuss post-election issues in Somaliland with panelists Lange Schermerhorn, former U.S. Ambassador to Djibouti and David Shinn, former U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia, as well as John Prendergast, Co-director of the Africa Program at the International Crisis Group.
In late January 2004, IRI conducted a political party training seminar in Hargeisa on campaign planning, fundraising and budgeting. In partnership with the Somaliland Journalists' Association (SOLJA), IRI trained Somaliland's political parties, civil society members and journalists on media communications. Facilitated by two Kenyan trainers, the workshop focused on the role and responsibilities of the media in a democracy, message development for political parties, effective communication between the parties and the media, and media ethics.
Preparing Parties for Elections
With the announcement that Somaliland would hold parliamentary elections in early 2005, IRI began a new program aimed at preparing political parties to compete fairly and effectively in democratic elections. The program began with intensive training and individual consultations with leading members of Somaliland's three parties on campaign planning and management.
After the election was delayed to September 2005, the institute launched a program with the National Campaign Committees (NCC) and Regional Campaign Committees (RCC) of the three parties. These committees were the organs chiefly responsible for designing and executing the parties' nationwide parliamentary election campaigns. In June 2005, IRI conducted a training session for members from the three parties' NCCs, as well as civil society members engaged in voter education projects.
In the final months of the campaigns, IRI organized a series of three-day campaign workshops for members of the RCCs of Somaliland's three political parties. The three workshops were conducted in Hargeisa and Burao, Somaliland's two largest cities. The objective of these seminars was to prepare the RCCs for Somaliland's first parliamentary elections and to ensure that these elections would be carried out in an open and transparent manner. The training topics included organizing election campaigns, campaign communication skills and fundraising. Also covered in the workshops was the Political Parties Code of Conduct, a document jointly drafted by the three parties and the NEC to complement the electoral law.
In the two weeks before Somaliland's September 29, 2005 parliamentary elections, IRI, in collaboration with the War-Torn Societies Project (WSP), sponsored and helped to organize party poll-watcher trainings in which nearly 6,000 party agents were prepared to execute their duties on Election Day. This training was conducted at a number of universities across Somaliland.
Election Assessment Activities
For Election Day, IRI sent a seven-member election assessment team to observe voting in four of Somaliland's six electoral regions. The team managed to visit roughly 10 percent of all polling stations in Somaliland, and issued a comprehensive report on the conduct of the elections.
IRI hopes to continue to support the democratization process through future program activities in Somaliland, to include media campaigning, coalition building, forming a loyal opposition in the post-electoral context, continued outreach and mobilization at the grassroots level, maintenance of party activity, and civic education.
Somaliland's Road to Democracy
Known as the Somaliland Protectorate during almost 80 years of British rule, the Republic of Somaliland gained independence from Britain on June 26, 1960. On July 1, 1960, it joined the former Italian Somalia to form the Somali Republic. Civil war broke out in the 1980s, which led eventually to the collapse of the Somali Republic. In 1991, the people of Somaliland held a congress, during which it decided to withdraw from the union with Somalia and to reinstate Somaliland's sovereignty.
This region in northwest Somalia has made significant progress since officially declaring its independence. Although no countries officially recognize Somaliland as an independent state, determined Somalilanders have not been deterred from acting the part. In addition to ridding their region of the violent conflict that continues to plague their former countrymen to the south, they also boast a nascent democratic system of governance.
After Somaliland broke away from the Somalia in the early 1990s, conflicts flared between rival clans and sub-clans in this fledgling nation. A national conference held by the Council of Elders (Guurti) in October 1992 selected Muhammad Ibrahim Egal to be president. Egal would remain in power until his death in May 2002. In late 1996 to February 1997, Somaliland leaders held another conference in Hargeisa. With the most of the fighting over, Guurti members laid the groundwork for a national constitution, appointed Egal to another five-year term, and chose Dahir Rayale Kahin as Vice President.
Since the 1996 conference, a tenuous peace has held. In May 2001, Somaliland held a national referendum in which 97 percent of voters approved the constitution that had been adopted by the government in 1997. This first nationwide election within Somaliland provided implicit support for the territory's independence from the rest of Somalia.
The government postponed the previously scheduled 2002 presidential, legislative, and local elections for one year to allow more time for preparation. When, following this controversial decision, President Egal passed away unexpectedly in May 2002, many observers speculated that Somaliland would crumble without his guidance. However, Vice President Rayale was sworn in and has assured citizens that he will follow in Egal's footsteps, promoting recognition for Somaliland and holding elections in the coming year.
Political parties were only introduced in August 2000 with the passage of new political party legislation. This legislation specifies that only the three political organizations that received the most votes in local government elections held in December 2002 would be allowed to field candidates in any and all future elections. The three parties that achieved this were the Union of Democrats (UDUB), the government party; Kulmiye, led by Ahmed Muhammed; and the Party of Justice and Welfare (UCID), headed by Faisal Ali. The law stipulated that these parties would be entitled to equal use of the media and free expression of their political views; they would also be able to nominate individuals to stand for elections and register complaints about the commission with local courts.
The 2002 and 2003 elections resulted in a government of Somaliland that, in the words of one opposition leader, "walked with two different shoes." The municipal governments and the presidency had been chosen by the people in elections that were judged to be mostly free and fair. However, even though the two opposition parties had garnered nearly 60 percent of the vote in the presidential elections, they were awarded no posts in the cabinet, and because the parliament remained unelected and based on clan representation, these parties had no platform in the legislature. At the national level, Somaliland remained a de facto one-party state, albeit one with democratic features.
After pushing back the election date twice, Somaliland's first parliamentary election finally took place on September 29, 2005. A large group of international observers from more than a dozen countries were present to view the elections. Among observers there was near-unanimity that the election, despite some minor flaws and irregularities, had been carried out with great skill and dedication, and reflected the will of Somaliland's people.
When the results became public, it was evident that the ruling UDUB party, while retaining a plurality of seats in Somaliland's first democratically elected parliament, had fallen short of an outright majority. Within weeks of the election, Somaliland's two opposition parties formed a parliamentary coalition, making Somaliland a virtually unique case within Africa: a government with a president from one party and a parliament dominated by the opposition. Whether this arrangement will serve Somaliland remains to be seen, but immediately after the new parliament was inaugurated, it moved boldly to increase checks on the extensive powers enjoyed by the executive and to assert its own independence. Despite all its successes, Somaliland still faces the challenge of maintaining stability while consolidating its democratic gains in a highly competitive political environment and with an unresolved international status.
Somaliland’s Forgotten Children
Clean water brings healing to Africa’s orphans
From BLESSINGS OPERATION BLESSING INTERNATIONAL. January 2008 Breaking the Cycle of Suffering Since 1978. http://www.OB.org
SOMALILAND, Africa – In a remote orphanage in the heart of Somaliland, hundreds of children cram into small spaces to try and sleep through the night. But sleeping seems to be the least of their problems.
With no running water and no way to keep the children clean, disease and infections were rampant among the orphans.
Somaliland, which is in the horn of Africa, declared independence from Somalia in 1991 after Gen. Barre’s central government in Mogadishu collapsed. Today the war-torn country is still not recognized by the United Nations and other countries as its own entity.
War and poverty have spiked the number of children without parents or caregivers and orphanages are bursting at the seams. This orphanage in
Hargeisa is no exception. In May 2007, OBI staff visited the orphanage and found 327 children living there with only one toilet and no running water.
OBI’s Orphan’s Promise supplied more than $25,000 to renovate the facility. Six months later, the orphanage has showers, sinks, spigots and toilets as well as other water access points in and outside the building.
“For the 13 years I have been here, there has never been a shower,” said Bashir, an older orphan.
Bashir’s parents were killed when a grenade hit his home. Today, he still lives at the orphanage, but is attending a local university where he is studying to become a lawyer. “I will never forget to come
back and visit my brothers and sisters at the orphanage and fight for their futures,” he said. Now the orphanage has access to clean water and that’s one less fight Bashir has to worry about.
“Having clean drinking water has made a radical difference in the lives of the orphans and greatly reduced the number of illnesses,” said David Darg, OBI’s deputy director for international programs. “Step by step we will change their lives for the better. “
Overcoming Cultural Barriers: Promoting Gender Equality and Equity
Women delegates from Somaliland regions have come together in a general meeting to discuss issues of concern to women development and their role in the society.
Over 100 delegates from Somaliland six regions gathered the meeting, which was held in Ambassador Hotel, Hargeisa from 25th - 27th of December 2007. NAGAAD women's umbrella organization has prepared the conference.
NAGAAD Chairperson, Marwo Suad Ibrahim Abdi, speaking at the opening of the conference said; "This is the first meeting that women delegates from all over Somaliland have gathered to discuss their role in society, family, children and other social issues."
MS Su'ad added; "Objectives of this meeting is to exchange ideas and experience in terms of politics, business and social issues facing women and their families across Somaliland"
Somaliland minister for Agriculture, Mr. Aden Ahmed Elmi, Director General of Ministry of Health and Labour and other dignitaries were present at the opening ceremony. They all spoke about Somaliland women roles in development.
At the conclusion of the 3-day meeting, women participants proclaimed a long statement on:
1. Women and decision making
2. Social issues, such as education and health.
3. Women and Judiciary.
4. Women and Economic Development
The statement emphasized for strategies to develop the role of women in these areas.
Contiune reading the full statement in Somali posted below.
Ka dib markii aannu aragney kaalinta haweenka ku leeyihiin horumarka wadanka iyo dib-dhiska.
Ka dib markii aannu aragney doorka ay haweenku ku leeyihiin ka qeybqaadashada kobcinta dhaqaalaha, waxbarashada, caafimaadka iyo kaalinta siyaasyadda.
Ka dib markii aannu aragnay muhiimada ay leedahay in haweenku ka muuqan saaxada go’aan qaadashada,
Ka dib markii aannu aragnay muhiimada ay leedahay in haweenku ka qaataan kaalin mug leh dhamaan dhinacyada khuseeya noloshooda
Ka dib markaanu aragnay baahida jirta ee dhinaca arrimaha bulshada, garsoorka, siyaasadda iyo dhaqaalaha
Waxa annaga oo ka kooban haween ka yimid lixda gobal (Sanaag, Sool , Togdheer, Saxil, Marodi jeex, iyo Awdal) ee Somaliland iskugu nimi shirkan oo soconayay muddo seddex maalmood ah 25, 26, 27 December 2007
Markii arrimahaa si qoto dheer loo lafa guray waxa ay haweenka ka soo qaybgalay saareen baaq ku wajahan xukuumadda iyo golayaasha sharci dejinta oo ah sidan soo socata:
I. HAWEENKA IYO TALLADA DALKA
- In ay dawladu xaqiijiso xuquuqda dastuuriga ah ee ku qeexan qodabadda 8aad iyo 36aad ee sinaanta xuquuqda muwaadiniinta,waxa xukuumada Somaliland iyo golayaasha sharci dajinta loogu baaqaya in ay soo saaran sharci xaqiijinaya ka qaybqaadashada haweenka ee taladda dalka.
- Waxbarasho la xidhiidha kobcinta garaadka siyaasadda ee haweenka.
- Sanduuq dhaqaale oo loo sameeyo haweenka
- In wacyigalin loo sameeyo haweenka, taasoo lagu dhiirigalinayo sidii ay haweenku iyagu tiirsan lahaayeen
II. ARRIMAHA BULSHADA
Dhinaca waxbarashada
- In ay dawladdu hirgaliso waxbarasho baahsan oo ay ka faa’iidaystaan dhamaan qaybaha bulshada sida dadka saboolka, reer guuraaga, hablaha guryaha lagu hayo, waa in xukuumadu ay fidiso sida dastuurka waafaqsan waxbarasho bilaash ah ilaa heer jamacadeed ah,
- Kor u qaadida haweenka xagga waxbarshada, gaar ahaan waxbarashada dadban. In la sameeyo goobo loogu tallo galey in kor loogu qaado tayada waxbarasho ee haweenka muddo ka maqnaa waxbarashadda.
- In la tayeeyo waxbarashadda waa in kor loo qaado aqoonta barayaasha, isla markaana loo helo mushahar ku filan.
- Ilo dhaqaale la sameeyo, lana sameeyo xirfada shaqo abuurid?
- In la helo qorshayaal lagu hor marinayo tayada waxbarashada dadban ee haweenka oo u dhiganta ta asaasiga ah ilaa heer jamacadeed iyo abuurida xirfado shaqo
- Naafadda waa in la dhiirgaliyo sidii waxabarasho u heli lahaayeen.
Dhinaca caafimaadka
- In wasaaradda caafimaadku soo noolayso habka saami qaybinta gobollada ee shaqaalaha xirfada leh sida dhakhaartiirta iyo kalkaaliyayaasha sare. Si loo badbaadiyo hooyooyinka iyo dhalaanka u dhinta daryeel la,aan caafimaad xilliga dhalmada
- In la loo fidiyo tababaro joogta dhakhaatiira, kalkaaliyayasha si ay u ogaadaan howlaha caafimaad iyo in la siiyo mushahar ku filan
- In wasaaradda caafimaadku soo saarto qorshayaal lagu horimarinayo tababaro loo fidinayo dadka deegaanka (degmooyinka, tuuloyinka) ku nool. Si loo helo dad aqoon cafimaad leh
- In kor loo qaado tayada goobaha caafimaadka illaa heer degmo, tuulo. Taasoo loo sameynaya xurmo caafimaad(MCH) goob kasta oo ay muhiim ku tahay.
- In la soo saaro shuruuc xakamaynaya tayada dawooyinka lana helo wax lagu xadidayo farmisiiyada sida xad dhaafka ah u furmaya ee aan aqoon caafimaad lahayn
- Wasaaradda caafimaadka iyo wasaarada ganacsiga waa in ay si wada jir ah u soo saaraan shuruuc lagu joojinaayo dawooyinka maskax ahaan, jidh ahaan iyo caafimaad ahaanba wax yeeli kara qofka sida kuwa badala midabka
- In la sameeyo wacyigalin lagu joojinayo gudniinka fircooniga ah. Wacyigalintaasi waa in ay gaadho wadanka oo dhan ilaa heer tuullo,degmo iyo gobal.
III. GARSOORKA IYO HAWEENKA
- In la xoojiyo dhaqangalinta shuruucda la xidhiidha arrimaha qoyska, isla markaana la cadeeyo cidda ka masuulka ka ah hirgalinta shuruucda. Meeshana laga saarayo xeer-dhaqameedka iyo odey-dhaqameedyada.
- Si loo yareeyo furiinka sii kordhaya wadanka waa in la dhiirigaliyo sidii loogu dhaqi shareecadda islaamka arrimaha la xidhiidha qoyska
- In la sameeyo shuruuc lagu xakamaynayo tacadiga haweenka loo gaysto, sida kufsiga ,garaacista. Khilaafaadka arrimaha qoyska waa in lagu xaliyo shareecada islaamka oo kaliya.
- In la kordhiyo goobaha adeega sharciga ee haweenka aan awoodin in helaan adeeg sharciyeed, lana gaadhsiiyo goballada dalka oo dhan (legal Clinic).
IV. HAWEENKA IYO KOBCINTA DHAQAALAHA
- In xukuumadu soo saarto sharciga kala xadaynta ganacsiga si kor loogu qaado dhaqaalaha ganacsatada yar yar
- Aqoonta haweenka in kor loo qaado
- In la adkeeyo sanduuq dhaqaale oo haweenka ganacsiga ku jiraa ay leeyihiin
- In la xoojiyo meelaha ay ka jiraan guddiyo ganacsi ee haweenka, lana sameeyo meelaha aaney ka jirin.
DEEGAAN-JIRE
Every where, Somali people in both rural and urban areas are feeling the effects of the pressure on the environment.
That is why Nagaad Umbrella Organization, with the support of its partners, Heindrich Boll Foundation (HBF) and EC, are addressing this
crucial issue.
In dealing with environmental problems, Nagaad through its environment network of Tisqaad, operates in the capital City of Hargeisa in the following ways:
* Working closely with 16 neighbourhood environmental committees formed from four districts in Hargeisa. These committees perform periodic cleaning campaigns and engage in tree planting in public places and awareness raising activities in their respective districts to encourage self-reliance and participation;
* Organizing bi-monthly public forums to raise the awareness levels of the people in environmental and sanitation problems as well as initiate debates around major environmental issues facing people; and;
Organizing radio and other media programs This newsletter outlines the topics covered in the forums that were held during 2006.
Nagaad remains concerned that urban centres and especially Hargeisa
city are expanding without sustainable waste management systems. One
can see piles of garbage and used plastic bags littering in major urban
centres. These continue to be a major environment hazard and pose a
serious threat to town inhabitants especially women and children. However, we are confident that with the collaboration of all stakeholders, some realistic solutions will be worked out.
We thank HBF and the EC for their timely support to continuously improve the environment situation in Somaliland. We also thank our valued Tisqaad members; environmental committees; Hargeisa Municipality; all concerned UN agencies, Local and International Organizations and individuals who are trying hard to promote good practices in the environment.
Let us all work hard to bring about some fundamental changes in the way
we interact with our environment. Remember, the generations to come
will suffer if we do not act responsibly in protecting our environment and inculcating a sense of ownership for our environmental resources.
Amina M Warsame, Nagaad Director
Director’s Remarks
This Newsletter is Published by NAGAAD Umbrella Organization with support from Hendrich Boll Foundation (HBF) and EC.
February 2007, Volume 1, Issue 1
Director’s Remarks. 1
Renewable Energy Technologies in Somaliland. 3
Somaliland: Isticmaalka Tamarta la Cusboonaysiin karo. 2
Plastic Bags – A Menace in S/land Urban Centres. 4
Cleaning Campaigns. 6
Olole Nadaafadeed. 6
The Vanishing Trees of Hargeysa. 7
Dhirtii Hargeysa Oo Sii Dhammaanaysa. 8
A gaasimaha Guud ee Wasaaradda Horumarinta reer miyiga iyo Degaanka, Md. Maxamed Jaamac Faarax, ayaa furay Kulan doodeed ku saabsan Arrimaha Degaanka oo 31 July 2006 lagu qabtay Hotel Maansoor ee Magaalada Hargeysa.
Agaasimuhu waxa uu halkaas ka jeediyay hadal kooban oo uu kaga hadlay khataraha kuwajahan Degaanka iyo baahida loo qabo in qofkastaaba ka qayb-qaato sidii loo yarayn lahaa dhibaatooyinka Degaanka. Waxa kale oo iyaduna halkaas ka hadashay Wasiirka Arrimaha Qoyska iyo horumarinta bulshada, Marwo Faadumo Suudi Xasan.
Mowduuca doodda oo ku saabsanaa sida loo heli karo “Tamar la cusboonaysiin karo” – Renewable energy, ayaa waxa ka soo qayb-galay ku dhowaad 100 qof oo ka socday Guddiyada Arrimaha Degaanka, ururada bulshada, madax ka tirsan dowladda iyo dadweyne kale.
Kulankani waxa uu ka mid yahay kulamo falanqayn ah oo lagaga doodo sida loo horumarin karo degaanka kuwaas oo ay soo qaban-qaabiso Dallada ururada haweenka ee NAGAAD. Mr. Axmed Ibraahim Cawaale, oo ah Agaasimaha fulinta Candlelight, ayaa waxa uu halkaas ka soo jeediyay khudbad dheer oo uu kaga warramay isticmaalka tamarta uunka iyo saamaynta ay ku leedahay horumarka dhaqan-dhaqaale ee bulshooyinka magaalada iyo migiba. Waxana uu Mr. Cawaale ku dheeraaday mowduuca “Tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo” isaga oo ku dabaqay isticmaalka wadanka gudihiisa. Waxana uu halkaas ka soo jeediyay tilmaamo kuwajahan isticmaalka tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo. Waraaqdii uu halkaas ka akhriyay Axmed Ibraahim, waxa ka mid ahaa:
“Sida wadamo badan oo Afrikaan ah, dhirta ayaa ah halka ugu badan ee laga helo tamarta korontada iyo wax-karinta ee laga isticmaalo Somaliland. Dhuxusha ayaa ah ta ugu badan ee tamarta laga dhaliyo dhulka magaalooyinka ah halka xaabaddu ay tahay waxa ugu badan ee ay isticmaalaan dadka reer miyiga ah.
Dhirta inta badan ka baxdan meelaha hela roob u dhaxeeya 150-300 mm sannadkii ayaa laga jaraa dhuxusha. Haddaba, si loo daboolo baahida tamareed ee ka jirta dhulka magaalooyinka ah shan iyo tobankii sannadood ee la soo dhaafay, isticmaalka dhuxusha ayaa kor u kacay heer isticmaalkeedu ka batay in ay dhirtu mar labaad soo baxdo, taasina waxay sababtay in ay saamayni ku timaado awoodii dib u soo baxa ee Dhirta. Iyada oo wadanku yahay lama degaan u eka, ayaa geedka waxa ay ku qaadan kartaa 25-30 sannadood in uu koro si looga jaro 3 ilaa 4 joonyadood oo dhuxul ah.
Isticmaalka faraha badan ee dhuxusha ayaa ah mid culays ku ah dhul lama degaan u eke ah sida Somaliland oo cimiladiisuna aanay joogto ahayn. Goynta dhirta laga sameynayo dhuxushu hadda ma aha ganacsiga qofka faqiirka ah sidii la aaminsanaa, balse hadda wax aay noqotay ganacsi xoog leh oo faa’iido laga helo.
Dhirta oo keliya ma aha kuwa dhibaatadu soo gaadho marka dhuxusha laga shidayo, balse waxa kale oo iyagana xiddidada loo siibaa dhammaan geed gaabka ku yaalla hareeraha barta laga laga shidayo moofada dhuxusha, oo loo isticmaalo in lagu shido dabka loo isticmaalayo dhirta waaweyn ee dhuxusha laga sameynayo. Tanina waxa ay keentaa in uu meeshu godonto oo ay u afbanaanaato dhibica roobka oo keena in dhulka caro guur ku dhaco, isla markaana ay timaado in ay meesha ka baxdo awoodda dabiiciga ah ee caradu ku haysato biyaha. Sida oo kale, noolaha yaryar iyo cayayaanka ku nool agagaarka moofada dhuxusha ayaa iyaguna si aad ah halkaas
ugu baaba’a.
Haddaba, si looga hortago dhibaatooyinka degaanka, ururada horumarinta bulshada qaarkood ayaa qaaday tallaabooyin ay ugu talogaleen joojinta waxyeelada lagu hayo degaanka ee dhuxusha la xidhiidha. Ururada Candlelight iyo ADO ayaa si wadajir ah u sameeyay tabobaro xirfadeed oo dadka lagu barayo girgirayaasha tamarta kaydiya (Jiko). Hawlgalo la mid ah ayaa Ururka Badbaadinta Adduunka (IUCN) uu qaaday horraantii sannadkii 1997-98.
Hay’adda ADRA, oo iyaduna hadda ka shaqaysa horumarinta siyaasad kuwajahan tamarta laga isticmaalo Somaliland ayaa tabobartay dad xirfadyaqaano ah oo soo saara girgirayaal ku shaqeeya qoraxda. Laba shirkadood oo wadani ah ayaa iyaguna isku dayay in ay suuqa keenaan Gaaska wax lagu karsado, laakiin in si sahlan dadku ula qabsadaan waxa caqabad ku noqotay wacyigelin la’aan iyo helitaankeeda oo aan joogto noqon. Waxa kale oo kharash badan noqday dib u buuxinta weelka Gaastu ku jirto.
TAMARTA LA CUSBOONAYSIIN KARO
Tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo ‘Renewable energy’ waxa laga helaa meelo farabadan, waxana ay shidaalka kale kaga duwan yahay, iyaga helitaankoodu wuu xadidan yahay. Tamarta la cusboonaysiinkaro waxa laga dhalin karaa Xaabadda, kulka dhulka, dabaysha, biyaha iyo qoraxda.
Xirfadaha tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo waxa loo qaybin karaa:
1. Tamarta laga dhaliyo dhirta: Laba shay oo lagu guuleystay in la horumariyo 20 sanadooee la soo dhaafay waxa ka mid ah horumarinta moofo dhuxuleed tayo leh iyo girgire wax lagu karsado oo aan degaanka dhibaato u geysanayn, kuwaas oo laga hirgeliyay meelo badan oo ka mid ah adduunweynaha. Girgiraha wax lagu karsado ee tamarta kaydiya waa
mid ka duwan girgirihii hore loo isticmaali jiray, waxana uu (Eeg Bogga 5)
Somaliland: Isticmaalka Tamarta la Cusboonaysiin karo
* Ka Qayb-galayaasha Doodda
The Director General of the Ministry of Pastoral Development and Environment, Mr. Mohamed Jama Farah opened one day discussion forum on “Renewable Energy technologies in Somaliland” organized by Tisqaad – the environmental Network of Nagaad Umbrella convened in Hargeysa on 31st July, 2006.
Mr. Mohamed Jama Farah delivered a short speech relating to the prevalent environmental challenges haunting the country and the need to involve everybody in the mitigation of the effects of the environmental problems faced. This was followed by a brief statement by the Minister of Family Welfare and Social Development, Her Excellency/ Ms. Fadumo Sudi.
Over one-hundred persons, predominantly women, had gathered this meeting. The participants came from the neighbourhood Environmental Committees (NEC) of the different sub-districts of Hargeysa.
Mr. Ahmed Ibrahim Awale, Executive Director of Candlelight for Health, Education & Environment (CLHE) gave a presentation about the alarming biomass energy situation in the country and its impact on the socio-economy to both urban and rural communities. He explained the subject of renewable energy technologies (RETs) to the audience and their viability for utilization in the local context.
Mr. Ahmed Ibrahim begins his presentation with the fuel energy crisis in Somaliland, saying; “Just as with many African countries, biomass is the main and, indeed the traditional source of energy for Somaliland. Charcoal constitutes the principal energy- producing fuel commonly used in urban households and institutions for cooking and heating purposes whereas firewood is commonly in use at the rural settings for the same ends.
This energy is generated from acacia species which predominantly grow in plateau zones where annual rainfall ranges between 150-300mm.
To meet the rising demand for energy in the urban settings of the country for the past fifteen years, charcoal production increased dramatically to an extent that the consumption has far more surpassed the annual incremental rate, and for that matter, adversely affecting the natural regeneration capacity of the vegetation cover. Moreover, the country is arid, and it normally takes 25-30 years for an acacia trees to be mature enough to produce 3-4 bags of charcoal.
The exploitation of rangelands for charcoal production is too heavy a burden on an arid country like Somaliland with such a precarious climate. The chopping of trees for charcoal is no longer the poor man’s business, as was believed, but has become a highly lucrative business.
Trees alone are not the victims during the charcoal production activities. The various shrubs and herb layers at the vicinity of the kilns are uprooted and set ablaze for the purpose of igniting
the logs. This results in the denudation of large areas and exposure of- the surface to the rain drops’ splash, thus contributory to the acceleration of erosion processes and will have a cumulative adverse effect on soil water retention capacity. Moreover, myriads of insects and other living organisms in the vicinity of the kiln are indiscriminately destroyed in the process.
In response to these environmental problems, some developmental organizations became involved and came up with practical measures designed for mitigation of the impact of the deforestation processes which pertinent to charcoal. Candlelight and ADO have jointly carried out practical trainings on energy saving stove (jiko). Similar initiatives were also undertaken earlier (1997-98) by the World Conservation Union (IUCN).
Adventist Development and Relief Agency (ADRA) which is currently involved in the development of an energy policy for Somaliland, trained in the past some local artisans in the production of solar stoves. Two local enterprises have also attempted the introduction of liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) into the local market, but its smooth introduction is constrained by lack of community awareness, irregular supply, infrastructural and logistical problems as well as the high cost of refilling the gas Cylinders An introduction to renewable energy technologies (RETs) Renewable energy is obtained from sources that are essentially inexhaustible, unlike the fossil fuels, of which there is a finite supply, for example Renewable sources of energy include wood, waste, geothermal, wind, hydropower, and solar. Renewable energy technologies can be summarised briefly as below:
Biomass energy technologies
Two of the most sustained efforts that have been developed over the past 20 years is the development of an energy efficient charcoal kiln and an environmentally-sound improved cooking stove for rural and urban households in many parts of the developing world. Small scale biomass technologies also encompass briquetting and household bio-gas. The production capacity and efficiency of kilns depends on the design of the kiln. The conversion efficiency of kilns can be improved through a combination of tasks involved in the process viz. stacking of wood, ignition methods, number of air inlets, insulation etc.
The energy efficient cooking stoves are almost 50% energy efficient as compared to the traditional girgire. It saves fuel and money, because heat loss is minimized by some form of insulation.
The stove helps to direct 25-40% of the heat from the fire to the cooking pot, as compared to 10-20% for traditional stove and less than 10% for open cooking fire. It also reduces emission of particulate and toxic fumes by 20% Solar energy Solar energy, in one form or another, has been utilized since antiquity. It has been and is still used in drying skins, clothes, fruits, meat preservation, and salt production.
The interest in the utilization of solar energy increased in the 70’s as a result of the Middle East oil crisis. The different uses of solar energy are power generation, cooking, heating, and
also on vaccine refrigerators in health centres at rural areas, purification and rural electrification, telecommunications (e.g. satellite powering), water pumping etc. and more recently solar
cars.
Wind energy
Solar energy absorbed by the earth produces the upward motion and expansion of air which create areas of high and low pressure. The latter contain air currents (winds) the direction of which is influenced by the earth's rotation and the force of gravity.
Wind energy is used for rotating shaft power which can be used for lifting water, electric generation and machine turning.
Ancient uses: for grinding grain, and swelling the sails of boats and ships.
Advantages:
Cost effect and low maintenance
Good safety record
Disadvantages:
Electricity unreliable
Once wind pump gets stand still, it need rather high wind speed to get it going again
Hydro power
The term hydro energy is used to indicate the potential energy that a stream loses (turning into kinetic energy) as a result of a head or sloping course.
More than 30 countries use hydro power and more than half of world electricity comes from hydro power.
Hydro power is a reliable technology with good track record and has multi-purpose uses such as electric generation and irrigation. However, there are some drawbacks associated with the hydro-power such as the high investment, silting of dams which reduce the amount of electricity that can be generated over time. Hydropower can also be seriously affected by drought, leading to downfalls in electricity. The high capital investment is again amortized by long service and low maintenance.
Geothermal
Geothermal energy is a form of renewable energy generated by utilizing naturally occurring geological heat sources. In the innermost parts of the earth, temperatures of 4,000°C are
reached and maintained by nuclear reactions (radioactive decay of uranium, thorium, pollonium, etc.). This heat can be extracted by drilling wells to tap concentrations of steam at
high pressures and at depths shallow enough to be economically viable. The steam is then piped to turbines for electricity generation.
Geothermal power generation has numerous advantages including near zero emissions and a small space requirement in contrast to other energy sources such as coal fired plants.
(Continued from page 3)
Somaliland: Isticmaalka Tamarta la Cusboonaysiin karo
Renewable Energy Technologies in Somaliland.
Environment Neighbourhood Committees of NEGAAD carried two cleaning campaigns in two districts of Hargeisa on 28th June and 15th August respectively.
Members of the neighbourhood committees conducted this campaign with co-operation of the Hargeisa Municipality which provided trucks and labourers. Communities in these neighbourhoods also took part in the campaign. Implements such as rakes, wheelbarrows, spades and gloves have been distributed to the neighbourhood committees for use during cleaning campaigns. Sanitation and garbage collection awareness have also been conducted during the cleaning campaign towards changing people’s behaviour in maintaining the Garbage.
Although Hargeisa Municipality has the mandate to take care of environment sanitation and garbage collection in the city but it has very limited capacity to cover its mandate due to financial constraints. Therefore, the establishment of Environmental neighbourhood committees assisted Hargeisa Municipality in mobilizing the community and encouraging them to take part garbage collection campaigns.
As part of the commemorations on 5th June World Environment Day the neighbourhood committees planted trees in their respective areas and in refugees, returnees and IDPs settlements in Hargeisa to promote conservation and protection of the ecology.
Hargeisa is the capital city of Somaliland and hosts around 700,000 to 750,000 Residents which are mostly refugee returnees from Ethiopian refugee camps and internally displaces persons (IDPs).
Renewable Energy Technologies in Somaliland
The exploitation of rangelands for charcoal production is too heavy a burden on an arid country like Somaliland with such a precarious climate. The chopping of trees for charcoal is no longer the poor man’s business, as was believed, but has become a highly lucrative business.
I sticmaalka bacaha wax lagu rito ee Somaliland ayaa waxa la odhan karaa waxay aad uga badan tahay kuwa wadamo badan. Sababta ayaa waxa lagu macnayn karaa in qofkasta oo ku nool guri Somaliland ah uu maalintii dhowr jeer isticmaalo bacahaas wax lagu rito, halka wadamada kale bacaha isticmaalkoodu ku kooban yahay hal wakhti maalintii oo dhan, amah al maalin toddobaadkaba oo ah maalinta wax la soo iibsanayo, mana isticmaalaan qofkasta oo guriga ka mid ah.
Sida oo kale Bacaha inta la jarjaro ayaa loo isticmaalaa in lagu xidho Shaaha, sonkorta, caanaha, saliidda, fooxa, iwm. Arrinta ugu isticmaalka badan ee Bacuhu waa in lagu qaato Qaadka, oo ah balwad ay yar tahay ragga aan cunin. Waxa la rumaysan yahay in isticmaalka Bacaha ee nolosheena magaalooyinka ay waxyeelo khatar ah u geysan karto degaanka. Wallaaca laga qabo arrintaasna waxa laga dareemi karaa wararka joogtada ah ee saxaafaddu Raadiyaha iyo Telefishankuba arrintaas ka sheegaan. Iyada oo ay sidaas tahay, ayaa dadku ka caga jiidaan in ay wax ka qabtaan mushkiladdaas, marmarka qaarkoodna waxa ay sameeyaan waxyaalo aan cimri dheerayn oo ay kula dagaalamayaan Bacaha. Sida oo kale, waxa aan jirin siyaasad cad oo ay dowladda hoose iyo ta dhexeba ka leedahay arrintaas.
Soo saarista Bacaha wax lagu rito oo hadda lagu sameeyo Hargeysa ayaa laga yaabaa in ay taasi hoos u dhigta lacagtii adkayd ee u bixi jirtay dalalka Imaaraadka iyo Yemen, oo ah meelaha berigii hore laga keeni jiray Bacaha. Balse dhanka kale waxa ay taasi faruurtay in ay wadanka ku soo burqadaan bac-miiko qiime jaban lagu iibsan karo. Isticmaalka Bacaha wax lagu rito waa mid aad u sarreeya, mana jiraan tallaabooyin wax ku ool ah oo la qaaday si loogu xadido adeegsidooda.
Kulan doodeed oo ay soo abaabushay Dallada NAGAAD, ayaa dadkii ka qayb-galay waxa ay tilmaameen korodhka isticmaalka Bacaha wax lagu rito ilaa markii la bilaabay in dalka laga soo saaro. Bacuhu waa qaar aad u khafiif ah, marka wax ka badan Nus Kilo lagu ridana way go’daa, waxana
loo baahdaa in laba ama saddex la isticmaalo. Bacaha wax lagu rito ee inta badan la isticmaalo waa nooca loo yaqaano “PVC”. Marka la isticmaalo waxa qaada dabaysha, waxana ay ku martaa Dhirta iyo Deyrarka guryaha/ sidoo kale waxa ay caloosha isaga martaa xoolaha meelaha xashiishka lagu daadiyo wax ka cuna. Caleemaha bacuhu ku marteen ee midabada kala duwan ee babanaya yeeshay, waxay Ayrishku ku naanaysaan; “Calanka Qaranka” halka Koonfur Afrikaankuna ku magacaabaan; “Ubaxa Qaranka” wadamadaas oo isticmaalka bacuhu saameeyeen. In yar ayaa dhulka gasha, halka inta kale oo dhan ay dabayshu qaado.
Magaalada Hargeysa, dhibaatada ugu weyn ee ka jirta meelaha khashinka lagu qubo waa Bacaha wax lagu rito. Waxa jira laba arrimood oo looga hortegi karo Dhibaatada Bacaha:
1. Waa in la isticmaalo Baco muddo dheer oo dhowr goor la isticmaali karo.
2. iyo In la isticmaalo baagag la cusboonaysiin karo, waana ta in badan loo ololeeyo.
T he per capita usage of plastic bags by Somalilanders can be said to exceed by far the amount used by many countries. The reason for this is that every household member uses repeatedly plastic bags throughout the day while similar countries plastic bag usage might be once a day or once during the week for grocery shopping, and not by every household member. Here the plastic bags are cut up into smaller pieces and then used for wrapping a variety of goods such as tea, sugar, milk powder, oil, spices of myriad types, etc. etc. The widest usage besides these is the wrapping of the daily intake of kat – an activity hardly missed by the majority adult males in urban centres. It is the mild narcotic
chewed by men when socialising.
It is considered by most Somalilanders that the introduction of plastic bagging into our way of life and particularly in our urban centres is cause for serious concern because of the environmental impact it has or would have for many years to come. The concern is evident in the numerous media coverage and multitude of programs broadcast over radio and television. Many, however, remain ambivalent about the half-hearted and sometimes ephemeral approaches to tackle the issue and the absence of comprehensive policies at both the central and local levels.
The manufacture of plastic bags in a factory in Hargeisa may have positively reduced the drain of hard currency to Yemen and the Emirates – the origin of former plastic bag imports – but it has by and large inundated the country with cheaply available plastic bags. The use of plastic bags remains high as before, if not higher and no effective measures to curtail its usage has been put in place. In the forum organised by Nagaad Environment Forum, participants pointed to the increased usage of plastic bags since the local factory started production. The bags are thinner and often get torn when a half kilo weight or even less is carried in it, necessitating double or trible layer bags.
Most plastic bags used are the thin PVC type. It is let lose into the atmosphere, getting caught in trees, fences, and the stomachs of stray animals scavenging dump sites By the colourful array of fluttering sheets, the Irish dubbed them the ‘national flag’ and the South Africans the ‘national flower’ both countries effected policies to .A small percentage actually ends up in the landfill while the rest flies away. In Hargeisa, the appalling situation at dump sites the plastic bag.
There are basically two approaches to handling plastic waste products:
1. The first is the use of long life re-usable bags for shopping.
2. The use of bio-degradable bags is in many instances advocated for.
Bacaha: Mushkilad ku gedaaman Magaalooyinka Somaliland
Plastic Bags: A Menace In Somaliland Urban Centres
Ali Ege Duale - APD, Hargeisa Ali Ege Duale - APD, Hargeisa kaydinayaa ilaa 50% tamarta, waxa uu baajinayaa lumitaanka shidaalka iyo kharashkaba, sababta oo ah waxa aad loo yareynayaa in kulka girgiruhu dibadda uga baxo. Waxana uu girgirahani suurtagelinayaa in 25-40% uu kulaylku ku waajahmo dheriga la karinayo. Sida oo kale waxa uu yareynayaa 20% qaaca sunta ah ee ka baxaya.
2. Tamarta laga dhaliyo Qoraxda: Tamarta qoraxda waxa la isticmaali jiray markastaba loo eego wakhti aad u fog. Waxaloo isticmaali jiray ilaa haddana loo isticmaalaa inlagu qalajiyo hargaha, dharka, khudaarta, ilaalinta hilibka iyo soo saarista milixda. Haddaba, xiisaha tamarta laga dhaliyo qoraxdu waxa uu korday toddobaatanaadkii markaas oo dagaalo ka aloosmeen bariga dhexe. Waxyaabaha kala gedisan ee loo isticmaalotamarta qoraxda waxa ka mid ah dhalinta quwada korontada iyo wax karsiga. Sida oo kale, waxa loo isticmaalaa talaagadaha tallaalka ee xarumaha caafimaadka goobaha miyiga ah, isgaadhsiinta, soo saarista biyaha, iwm. Beryahan dambena waxa soo baxay baabuur ku shaqaysa tamarta qoraxda.
3. Tamarta laga dhaliyo Dabaysha: Tamarta qoraxda ee dhulku soo nuugay waxa ay sababtay in hawadu ay kala baxdo korna u baxdo, taasi oo dhaliso meelo cadaadisku ku yar yahay iyo meelo kale oo uu ku badan yahay. Hawada caddaadiskeedu yar yahay kuwaas oo dhinaca ay u soconayso ay xukumaan wareegga dhulka iyo xoogga cufis-jiidadka. Haddaba, Tamarta laga dhaliyo Dabaysha waxa loo isticmaalaa in lagu soo saaro biyaha dhulka hoose ku jira, quwada korontada iyo iwm. Beryihii hore waxyaalaha loo isticmaalo waxa ka mid ahaa in wax lagu ridqo. Faa’iidooyinkeeda waxa ka mid ah in kharashkeedu yar yahay oo aanay u baahnayn dayactir badan iyo iyada oo aan dhibaato dadka ka soo gaadhin, halka mushkiladaheeda ay ugu horreyso iyada oo aan awooddeeda koronto la isku halayn Karin, marka uu bamka dabayshu wareejinaysaa istaagana waxa ay u baahanaysaa in ay soo dhacdo dabayl xoog leh si ay mar kale u shaqayso.
4. Tamarta laga dhaliyo Biyaha: In ka badan 30 dal ayaa isticmaala quwada korontada laga dhaliyo Biyaha, in ka badan kala badh korontada adduunkana waxa laga dhaliyaa tamarta Biyaha. Waa teknoolajiyad la isku halayn karo oo wanaagsan, waxana ay leedahay isticmaal farabadan, waxa loo isticmaali karaa in laga dhaliyo quwada korontada iyo Waraabka Beeraha. Inkasta oo ay jiraan dib-u-dhacyo ku yimaada tamarta laga dhaliyo biyaha iyada oo mashruucyada hirgelinta tamar laga dhaliyo biyuhu ay u baahan yihiin maalgelin xoog leh iyo carada ka buuxsanta biyo-xidheenada oo hoos u dhigta xaddigii koronto ahaa ee ka dhalan lahaa biyaha. Sida oo kale tamarta Biyaha waxa saameeya abaaraha oo keena in quwada korontada ee biyaha laga dhalinayaa hoos u dhacdo.
5. Tamarta laga dhaliyo kulaylka dhulka: Waa qaab ka mid ah tamarta la cusboonaysiin karo iyada oo la adeegsanayo kulaylka dabiiciga ah ee ka soo baxa meelo dhulka ka mid ah. Obocda gudaha dhulka heer kulku waxa uu gaadhaa 4,000°C, waxana kulaylkaas keena falgalada bu’aha (Nuclear reactions),
oo ka yimaada burburka macdanaha Uranium, Thorium, Pollonium iyo kuwo la mid ah. Waxa kulaylkaas faraha badan loola soo bixi karaa, iyada oo la qodayo ceelal dhaadheer si marin loogu sameeyo qaaca ka soo baxaya gunta hoose ee dhulka. Dabadeedna qaacaas kulul ayaa loo isticmaalaa in uu
wareejiyo daynabo dhalin karta quwada korontada.
Olole Nadaafadeed
Cleaning Campaigns Guddiyadda Degaanka oo hoos yimaadda Ururka NAGAAD ayaa fuliyay laba olole nadaafadeed oo laga sameeyay laba degmo oo ka tirsan Gobolka Hargeysa, kuwaas oo midna la qabtay 28kii June, halka ka kalena laga qabtay 16kii August.
Guddiyadda Degaanka oo kaashanaya dowladda hoose ee Hargeysa, oo ku caawisay baabuurta iyo shaqaalaha nadiifinta ayaa ololahaas nadaafadeed waxa ay ku ururiyeen qashin farabadan oo tuulmay goobaha qashin-qubka iyo waddooyinkaba. Qalab kala duwan oo nadaafadda ah ayaa loo qaybiyay
guddiyadii degaanka ee hawshaas ku jirtay, qalabkaas oo ay ka mid ahaayeen faraley kaaryoonayaal iyo majarafado. Sida oo kale, waxa ay Guddiyadu sameeyeen wacyigelin ku saabsan nadaafadda iyo qashin ururinta si wax looga beddelo dabeecadda dadka ee kuwajahan qashin-qubka.
Maadaama Dowladda Hoose ee Hargeysa u xilsaaran tahay ilaalinta degaanka iyo nadaafadda caasimadda, ayaa haddana waxa ka haysta awood yaraan in ay daboosho baahida nadaafadeed, sidaas darted ayaa abuurista guddiyada ilaalinta degaanka ee Degmoohyinku waxa ay door muhiim ah
ka ciyaartay isu keenidda bulshada iyo ku dhiirigelinta in ay ka qayb-qaataan ururinta qashinka, iyaga oo kaashanaya Dowladda Hoose ee Hargeysa.
Hargeysa waxa ku nool dad lagu qiyaaso 700,000 ilaa 750,000, kuwaas oo intooda badani ay ka soo noqdeen Xeryaha Qaxootiga ee Itoobiya iyo kuwo kale oo dalka gudihiisa ku barakacay. Guddiyada Degaanka ayaa hawlo nadaafadeed ka fuliyay goobaha ay degan yihin dadka dalka gudihisa ku
barakacayo xuska munaasibaddii Maalinta Degaanka Adduunka – 5 June – halkaas oo ay ka fuliyeen olole dhir beeris ah goobaha qaxootiga, dadka soo noqday iyo dadka dalka gudihiisa ku barakacay ee degaamada Hargeysa.
HARGEYSA (DEGAAN-JIRE)
Ahmed Ibrahim Awale - Executive Director, Candlelight. E-mail: aiawaleh@hotmail.com
The importance of trees seems apparent when one tries to imagine a world without them. (Eebbow meel aan Hadh lahayn hanna Joojin)!. O Allah! Let us not sojourn in a treeless place!. Cleaner air and water, food for our tables and thoughts, as well as inspiration for our senses are but a few things given to us by trees. If nothing else, they give us an excuse to sit, close our eyes, and listen to the winds rustle though their leaves. Here is a summary of the benefits of trees:
* Trees slow down runoff by holding or absorbing water.
* Trees provide shelter for people, animals and other plants
* Trees reduce the devastating effects of flooding
* Trees provide nutrients and shelter for variety of organisms while decomposing
* Tree protect the world’s climate by absorbing carbon dioxide (carbon sinks) and are often called ‘lungs of the earth’.
* Trees provide certain habitats with the stable conditions necessary for life, and offer beautiful scenery.
* Trees prevent erosion
* Trees reduce water evaporation
* Trees provide us with nourishment
* Trees are constant source of medicine
* Trees provide us with fuel wood, charcoal and coal.
2.0. Background
Little over a century ago, Hargeisa valley also called ‘the Valley of Herar’ or ‘Maroodi Jeh’ (Dooxada Herer ama Maroodi Jeeh) has been one of the most forested areas in Somaliland with diverse faunistic and floristic riches. One of the earliest recorded descriptions of Hargeysa was captured in the pages of a book called ‘Somaliland’ authored by the British traveller and big game hunter, C. Peel, who made two expeditions to Somaliland in late 1890’s. The area has had a wide variety of wildlife and plant species. Being heavily forested, it was a home of carnivores such as lions, tigers and hyenas. The presence of these wild animals, attracted by the shallow water of the Togga and the good forest cover, had kept pastorals at bay during most part of the year – only converging on the water points at the Togga during the Jilaal season. The dominant trees species in the valley of Hargeysa were Galool (A. bussei), Qudhac (A. spirocarba) , Bilcil (A. mellifera), Sog-sog (A. etbaica), Gob (Zizyphus spina Christi), Cadaad (A. Senegal) and others.
Until 1891, there was a small settlement at Jamaa Wein part of Hargeysa consisting of a small number of mud houses and Aqals. The construction of the residence of Lord Delemare, was the first house built for a European in Hargeysa. During the British administration in Somaliland, forest protection practices were adopted and water run-off was controlled by check dams and soil bunds. Cutting of trees was punishable by fine and/or arrest while pound fee rates were levied for animals found grazing in the town.
3.0. The Plight of Hargeysa Trees
Over the past three decades, there has been a dramatic decrease in the number of trees in Hargeysa. Following are the main causes of this trend: Urban densification is actually one significant cause of continuing forest loss in urban centres. Over the years of its existence, Hargeysa has expanded from a small dwelling at Jamaa Wein (1891) to a city sprawling out over 250 square kilometres. This expanse of land which used to have luxuriant forest is being permanently converted into buildings, roads and pavements.
Soil compaction as a result of human activities, particularly movement of equipment such as motor vehicles has turned the ground into impermeable layer, thus depriving the trees of water and other nutrients. This has also contributed to the heightening of water runoff along the sloping contour of the city, causing continuous infrastructural damage on roads and flood drainages.
Indiscriminate cutting of trees for fencing, firewood and poles by the residents of Hargeysa. So far, the Sha’ab zone which is mostly public land, is the worst affected area, as it harbours a substantial number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and returnees.
The all useful Acacia bussei (galool), the dominant species of Hargeysa, is subject to continuous de-barking of its trunks for its Asal which is used in the Somali traditional medicine for its curative powers. The de-barking processes deprive trees of the flow and transport of water and nutrients which are vital to the healthy growth of trees.
Although the regeneration of the indigenous tree species is very slow and limited, the presence of herds of goats and camels has its adverse effect on the growth of new trees. This has also a discouraging effect on people to plant new trees.
Low environmental consciousness among government planners and the private sector. The sight of an old Acacia tree being foolishly bulldozed for road clearance or for construction project is unbecoming behaviour for a civilized society. The idea of creating parks is foreign to the Municipal officers, let alone protecting the remnant acacia forest in the city from destruction and the wanton greed of land developers and the axe of the economically marginalized returnees who kill trees for fire-wood and fencing.
Absence of tree planting programmes in the city, particularly in the business centre where it became habitual for some members of the business community to cut trees in front of their buildings on the pretext of discouraging squatters establishing petty businesses such as teashops and kiosks under the trees.
The ‘choking’ effect of plastic bags on Acacia trees is believed to slow down the vital process of photosynthesis and make the trees under constant stress! The habit of changing and disposing engine oils in the open streets, mainly by bus drivers and truckers.
4.0. Future outlook and conservation efforts
Generally the disappearance of trees bears dire environmental consequences in any ecosystem. Elderly residents of Hargeysa can be nostalgic for the waning of tree resources. No more ‘whistling’ of Galool thorns (canbuul) during the windy summer days and their yellowish sweet smelling flowers (manka) in late autumns and summers! The worst scenario is a city devoid of vegetation, packed with a different ‘forest’ made of buildings, machinery and garbage! - the combination of these factors will cause the temperature of the city to soar and the air to turn stale, in the absence of the cooling effects of plants and the fact that the very air we breathe is improved by the presence of trees. In order to feed themselves, trees absorb harmful chemicals such as carbon dioxide and in turn give off oxygen. As well, they filter and trap pollutants such as smoke, dust, and ash making our air cleaner.
Conservation efforts to protect the trees of the city are something alien to the concerned local authorities. Bilicda Magaalda (Beautification of the City) has become a buzz word for every Mayor of Hargeysa, but it is difficult to grasp their view of the ‘beauty’ of the city.
It is worth noting that the theme of 2005 World Environmental Day is ‘Green Cities’. The United Nations conference held in San Francisco during the first week of June 2005 attracted a big of mayors of world cities as the conference was dedicated to adopting sound environmental
practices for urban centres –where the majority of world’s population lives.
It is never too late! It is time that the Mayors of the cities of Somaliland should adopt similar steps towards sound environmental practices. And as a first move, the following steps need to be considered:
* That the ongoing indiscriminate cutting of trees in the cities and towns be curbed;
* Impose a directive that before building new houses, the owner(s) must first sign a pledge to plant at least two trees per plot;
* That a portion of the land under the jurisdiction of the Municipality is declared as protected area and to set aside about one acre of land within the township, as a park – where future tree planting activities can be carried out.
* Management and proper disposal of the garbage that has almost
engulfed all urban centres
* Public awareness creation on the protection of urban environments.
The Vanishing Trees of Hargeysa
No more ‘whistling’ of Galool thorns (canbuul) during the windy summer days and their yellowish sweet smelling flowers (manka) in late autumns and summers .
Muhiimada Dhirta:
Muhiimada ay Dhirtu leedahay waxa si fiican loo arki karaa marka uu qofku sawirto meel dhir la’aan ah. “Eebbow meel aan hadh lahayn hanna joojin”. Biyo iyo hawo nadiif ah, cuntada aynu cuno iyo dhiirigelinta dareenkeena waxay qayb yar ka yihiin waxyaabaha aynu ka helo dhirta. Haddii aynu wax kale iska dhaafnoba, waxaynu ka helaa madal fadhi oo raaxo leh bal u fiirso indhaha haddii aad daboosho oo aad dhegeysato dabaysha ruxaysa laamaha dhirta.
Halkan waxa aynu ku soo koobaynaa waxyaabo ka mid ah faa’iidada dhirta:
1. Dhirtu waxa ay hoos u dhigtaa qulqulka saa’idka ah ee biyaha, waxana ay nuugaan biyaha.
2. Dhirtu waa hoyga dadka, xayawaanka iyo dhirta kale.
3. Dhirtu waxa ay yareysaa burburka daadadku keenaan.
4. Dhirtu waxa ay siisaa nafaqo iyo hoy noolayaal kala duwan marka ay burburaan dhirtu.
5. Dhirtu waxa ay ilaalisaa Cimilada adduunka, iyada oo Carbon Dioxide-ka ka soo nuugta hawada, waxana lagu magacaabaa dhirtu in ay tahay; “Sambabada Dhulka”.
6. Dhirtu waxa ay suurtagelisaa in degaanku noqdo mid ku habboon nolosha, isla markaana leh aragti quruxsan.
7. Dhirtu waxa ay ka hortagtaa Carro-guurka.
8. Dhirtu waxa ay yareysaa Uumi baxa biyaha.
9. Dhirta waxa aynu ka helaa Cunto nafaqo leh.
10. Dhirta waxa laga sameeyaa Dawooyinka.
11. Dhirta waxa aynu ka helaa xaabadda aynu shidano, Dhuxuldhagaxda iyo dhuxusha.
2. 0. Gogol-dhig:
In ka yar qarni horteed, dooxa Hargeysa oo loo yaqaanay; “Dooxada Herer” ama Maroodi Jeex wuxu ka mid ahaa kaymaha ugu dhirta badan Somaliland oo laga helo dhir iyo xayawaan kala duwan. Qoraalada uga da’da weyn ee laga qoray Hargeysa waxa laga soo qaataa Buug uu qoray sahamiye Ingiriis ah oo la odhan jiray C. Peel, buuggaas oo lagu magacaabo “Somaliland”. Peel, waxa uu Somaliland yimid laba jeer dabayaaqadii 1890-maadkii.
Waxa ay ahayd goob laga helo duur jog iyo dhir kala duwan. Waxana ay gabood u ahayd xayawaan kala duwan, sida libaaxyada, shabeelka iyo waraabaha. Xayawaankaas kala duwan oo biyaha togga ee hoose iyo dhirtu soo jiidatay, waxay meesha u diideen dadka reer miyiga ah, kuwaas oo xilliga jiilaalka uun u soo biyo doonan jiray.
Geedaha waaweyn ee Dooxada Hargeysa ku yaallay waxa ka mid ahaa Galool, Qudhac, Bilcil, Sog-sog, geedka Gobka iyo Caddaadda.
Ilaa sannadkii 1891kii waxa ka jiray degsiimo yar oo ka mid ah xaafadda Jamaaca weyn ee Hargeysa oo ay ka dhisnaayeen gergado iyo aqalo waxoogaa ah. Dhismihii aqalkii Lord Delemare, ayaa ahaa gurigii ugu horreeyay ee nin reer Yurub ah looga dhiso Hargeysa.
Wakhtigii maamulka Ingiriiska ee Somaliland, waxa la ilaalin jiray dhirta, qulqulka biyahana waxa lagu kaantarooli jiray biyo xidhyo.
Qofka geed gooya waxa lagu ciqaabi jiray in la ganaaxo ama xabsi loo taxaabo, halka xoolaha lagu arko magaaladana laga qaadi jiray cidda leh cashuur.
3.0 Dhibaatada haysata Dhirta Hargeysa
Soddonkii sannadood ee la soo dhaafay, waxa aad u yaraaday dhirtii ka bixi jirtay Magaalada Hargeysa. Waxyaabaha sababay isbeddelkaas waxa ka mid ah:
* Korodhka Dadka magaalooyinka ayaa ka mid ah waxyaalaha sababay in la waayo Dhirtii ku taallay magaaalooyinka. Hargeysi waxa ay ka bilaabantay guryo yaryar oo ku yaalla Jamaaca weyn sannadkii
1891, iyada oo gaadhay in ka badan 250 KM (laba boqol iyo konton kilomitir). Dhulkaas ballaadhan oo ahaan jiray kaymo dhir badan leh hadda waxa uu isu beddelay dhismayaal iyo waddooyin.
* Carada oo isku dhegtay ayaa waxa sababay dhaq-dhaqaaqa dadka sida baabuurta, waxana ay noqotay lakab aanay biyuhu dhexmari Karin, taasina waxay keentay in dhirtu waydo biyo iyo nafaqo. Waxa kale oo ay keentay in dhulka joogiisu kor u kaco, isla markaana qulqulka biyuhu kordhaan, taasi oo burbur joogto ah ku ah waddooyinka iyo daadad soo kordha.
* Jarista dhirta loo isticmaalo in wax lagu ooto, xaabo laga shito iyo looxaanta ee dadka magaalada deggan. Ilaa hadda waxa ugu daran dhulka Shacabka oo inta badan ah dhul dan guud ah, maadaama ay deggan yihiin dad tiro badan oo ah kuwa dalka gudihiisa ku barakacay iyo kuwo soo noqday.
* Geedka Galoolka oo waxkatarkiisu badan yahay, kana mid ah dhirta ugu badan ee caasimaddu lahayd, ayaa hadda si joogta ah loo jaraa qolofta jiridiisa oo laga goosto Asal, kaas oo loo isticmaalo dawo dhaqameed.
Qolof-ridistu waxa ay geedka ku adkaysaa in ay kor iyo hoos u socdaan biyaha iyo nafaqadu, kuwaas oo muhiim u ah koriinka geedka.
* Inkasta oo dib u soo bixitaanka noocyada dhirtii hore ay aad u hooseyso, isla markaana ay yar tahay, haddana riyaha iyo geela ayaa saamayn xoog leh ku leh ina y soo baxdo dhir cusub. Sidoo kale dadkii beeri lahaa dhir cusub ayay niyadjab ku yihiin.
* Wacyigelinta ku saabsan Arimaha Degaanka oo aad u hooseysa dhinaca dowladda iyo qaybaha bulshada ee gaarka ah. Wadamada hore u maray waa arrin ku sii yaraanaysa in la arko geed weyn oo Galool ah oo cagaf lagu goynayo si wado loogu banneeyo ama dhisme laga fuliyo.
* Barnaamijyo dhir beeris ah oo aanay lahayn caasimaddu, gaar ahaan dhinaca ganacsiga oo ay caado u noqotay xubno badan oo ka tirsan ganacsatada in ay jaraan dhirta ku hortaalla dhismayaashooda, iyaga oo doonaya in ay ka hor istaagaan dadka doonaya in ay maqaaxi shaah ama tukaan cooshad ah ka samaystaan geedkaas hoostiisa.
* Bacda ku ururta dhirta ayaa iyadana waxa la rumaysan yahay in ay hoos u dhgito habka ay dhirtu cuntadeeda u samaysato ee Photosynthesis-ka.
* Sida oo kale waxa iyaduna qayb ka qaadatay saliida baabuurta laga beddelo ee lagu shubo waddooyinka, taasi oo ay inta badan sameeyaan dirawalada basaska iyo baabuurta xamuulka.
Guud ahaan baaba’a ku imanaya dhirtu waxa uu dhibaato u geysanayaa degaanka – dhir iyo xayawaan ba. Dadkii hore ee Hargeysa deganaa waxa laga yaabaa in ay u ooyayaan dhirtan sii baaba’aysa.Waxa ku daayay dhawaaqii qodaxda Galoolka ‘Canbuul’ ee wakhtiga dabaysha xagaagu babanayso iyo ubaxyadii hurdiga ahaa ee manka wanaagsanaa ee dabayaaqada jiilaalka iyo xagaaga. Xaaladda ugu darani waa magaalo ka madhan dhirtii doogga ahayd, waxaana beddelay dhismayaal, baabuur iyo qashin.
Dhammaan arrimahaasina waxa ay sababi karaan in heer kululka caasimaddu kor u kaco, isla markaana ay hawadu xumaato marka laga waayo qabowgii ka soo baxayay dhirta, iyada oo hawada aynu isticmaalo ay tahay mid kas oo baxda dhirta. Si ay dhirtu cuntadeeda u samaysato waxa ay hawada ka nuugaan kiimikooyinka sida Carbon Dioxide-ka, waxana ay soo saaraan Oxygen. Sida oo kale waxa ay soo qabataa dhirtu oo ay sifeeyaan waxyaabaha hawada wasakheeya sida sigaarka, boodhka, iwm.
Masuuliyiinta degaanka ee ay khusayso ilaalinta dhirtu war kama hayaan ilaalinteeda. Maayorada Caasimadda Hargeysa waxa halhays u noqday in ay ku dhawaaqaan “Bilicda Magaalada” laakiin way adag tahay in la garto waxa ay uga jeedaan bilicda magaalada.
Waxa xusid mudan in hal-ku-dheggii Xuska Maalinta Adduunka ee sannadkii 2005 ay ahayd; “Magaalooyin Cagaar ah”. Shirkii Qaramada Midoobay ee toddobaadkii ugu horreeyay ee June 2005 lagu qabtay San Fransico waxa ka soo qayb-galay maayoro badan oo socday caasimaddaha adduunka, waxana halkaas lagu qaatay in la qaado tallaabooyin lagu ilaalinayo degaanka meelaha magaalooyinka ah.
Haddaba, Maayorada Caasimadaha Somaliland waa in ay qaadaan tallaabooyinkaas oo kale si loo helo degaan habboon. Waxana wanaagsan in tallaabooyinkan hoos loo eego:_
a. In la joojiyo goynta dhirta aan loo kala aabo yeelayn ee magaalooyinka.
b. In qofkasta oo guri cusub dhisanaya lagu tiiq-tiiqsiyo in uu ballanqaado in uu ugu yaraan 2 geed beero.
c. In qayb ka mid ah dhulka danta guud loogu talogalay goob mustabqalka lagu beero dhirta.
d. In la habeeyo oo si fiican loo maamulo qashin-qubka buuxiyay xarumaha magaalooyinka.
e. in la sameeyo Wacyigelin bulsho si loo ilaaliyo degaanka magaalooyinka.
Dhirtii Hargeysa Oo Sii Dhammaanaysa Waxa ku daayay dhawaaqii qodaxda Galoolka ‘Canbuul’ ee wakhtiga dabaysha xagaagu babanayso iyo ubaxyadii hurdiga ahaa ee manka wanaagsanaa ee dabayaaqada jiilaalka iyo xagaaga.
The problems faced in the country and especially in Hargeisa in terms of pollution are usually water, soil, rubbish disposals and sewage.
1. Water:
People have the habit of using streams and riverbeds as a toilet polluting the water with Salmonella, deadly bacteria that could come through fasces. In Berked water, all the villagers urinate in the canal formed to bring water and that unhygienic and needs urgent addressing.
There is a huge deposit of pesticides at the Ayaha building. As people came back from the refugee camps many of them tempered with different pesticides using tick diseases and other problems without knowing the danger they are facing. Many others settled around the area and refused to believe that such pesticides were dangerous for the health. On top of that the rains washed the pesticides down to the stream into the dry river runs through Hargeisa.
Many people especially farms drill this water and use it for drinking and cultivating.
Most of the inhabitants of Hargeisa through their rubbish through water streams and areas allocated for disposal to be picked by the Municipality. However such disposal is not efficient and rubbish ends up at the roads and water streams at the time of rains.
Plastic bags are used as carriers of everything from liquids, solid food and Chat and then thrown out without proper disposal. This created such a hazard especially in water streams burying down into river buds to stop water infiltration. Livestock and fix became victims of these plastic bags a small research undertaken by Negaad shows that people are very much aware of the hazards of these plastic bags, yet spending a lot of money in using them \with improper disposal systems.
The holes dig around the houses as a sewage system are usually an efficient ways of disposing human fasces as well used water however, one of the defects of such technique is the conducive environment of mosquitoes as air is given by the tube designed to take out smells. One solution for the problem is closing nets on the top of the tube so no mosquitoes could get away from it.
Air pollution
The pollution in the air is related to car gas emissions even though that is not a problem yet but if not controlled would have an effect to the environment. The number of cars in Somaliland doubled in the last five years and will continue so in the foreseeable future.
However, industries in the country are on the making and needs a policy formulation to avoid problems faced by the industrial nations. In Hargeisa town dust coming from the soil washed from the higher ground when dried, cars create a dust that could cause a lot allergies and flues and needs to be controlled from the roads, and contributes to the uncleanness of the town Most of the population used charcoal as the cooking energy, breathing Carbonates as a result of using it for long time especially women. It could also kill if you heat inside the house where ventilation does not exist.
Soil pollution
Most of the soil in the country is clean and its products are considered organic. Somali farmers and livestock herders usually use manicure for fertilization purposes and not many insecticides. The only pollution on the soil is the rubbish disposal. The municipality has to come up with rubbish disposal mechanisms.
The soil also washes down to the roads of the town creating a lot of dust, potholes and unhealthy environment. There is a need to create stone bridges, bunds in higher places to stop soil wash and prevent it blocking waterways and roads in the center of the town.
Dikhowga Caasimadda Hargeysa. Pollution at Hargeisa City
Mushkiladaha wadanka soo waajahay gaar ahaan Caasimadda Hargeysa marka laga hadlayo dhinac wasakhda, waxa ka mid ah Biyaha, Carrada, Xashiish qubista iyo marinada BIyaha.
1. BIYAHA:
Dadku waxa ay caado u leeyihiin in ay ililadaha biyaha iyo dooxyada u isticmaalaan musqulo, taasi oo Biyaha ku dhalisa Bakteeriyada “Salmonella” la yidhaahdo, oo ah mid waxyeelo leh, inta badan la
socota saxarada.
Biyaha berkedda marka aad eegto dadka tuulada dhaqan inta badan waxa ay ku kaajaan mooska biyaha keena berkedda. Waana in nadaafadd darradaas wax laga qabto.
Markii ay dadku ka soo noqdeen xeryihii qaxootiga waxay u isticmaaleen dawooyin sun ah oo kala duwan si ay ugu laayaan Ayaxa, iyaga oo aan ogeyn khatarta soo waajihi karta. Kuwo kale oo badan ayaa degsiimo ka dhigtay meelahaas, isla markaana diiday in aqbalaan in suntaas cayayaanku khatar ku tahay caafimaadkooda.
Roobabkii da’ayay ayaa suntii cayayaanka qaaday oo ku daray biyaha dooxa Hargeysa. Dad badan waxa ay u sticmaalaan biyahaas in ay ku waraabsadaan beeraha, isla markaana ay u isticmaalaan cabitaan.
Dadka degan Magaalada Hargeysa inta badan waxa ay kashinka ku qubaan goobaha biyo-mareenada ah iyo meel ay ugu talogashay dowladda Hoose in khashinka lagu qubo, inkasta oo ay goobahaasi yihiin qaar aan habaysnayn oo keena in khashinku ku faafo waddooyinka iyo biyo-mareenada wakhtiga roobabku da’aan.
Bacaha (bac-miiko) waxa loo isticmaalaa inlagu qaato waxkasta sida cuntada, qaadka iyo sharaabkaba, marka laga dhammaystana waa la tuuraa, iyada oo aan meel habboon la dhigin. Tani waxa ay keentaa halis ah in biyuhu qaadaan bacaha oo ay ku aasaan dooxyada, isla markaana ay meesha ka baxdo shaandhayntii biyaha.
Sidoo kale, xoolaha ayaa dhibaato xoog leh ku qaba bacahaas, maadaama ay kaga dhegto caloosha. Daraasad kooban oo ay samaysay Dallada NAGAAD aya awaxa lagu ogaaday in dadku ka warqabaan halista bacaha, inkasta oo ay weli isticmaalaan, isla markaana ku tuuraan goobo aan ku habboonayn.
Bulaacadaha laga qodo guryaha agtooda ayaa wax weyn ka tarta asturaada saxarada iyo biyaha la isticmaalayba. Inkasta oo iinta farsamada ay ka mid tahay kaneecada oo ku dhalata bulaacadaha,
isla markaana ka soo baxda tuyuubka loogu talogalay in ay ka soo saarto bulaacadda wixii bukhuur ah. Waxana arrintaas lagaga hortegi karaa iyada oo shabag lagu daboolo afka hore ee tuyuubka si aanay uga soo bixi Karin kaneecadu.
2. DIKHOWGA HAWADA
Dikhowga hawada ayaa inta badan waxa keena gaaska ka baxa Baabuurta inkasta oo aanay taasi weli mushkilad inagu ahayn, haddana haddii la kaantarooli waayo waxa ay dhibaato gaadhsiin doontaa Degaanka. Tirada baabuurta Somaliland ayaa is laba jibaartay shantii sanno ee la soo dhaafay, arrintaasina way sii socon doontaa mustaqbalka. Sidoo kale, waxa iyaguna abuurmay wershado,waxaana loo baahan yahay siyaasad lagaga hortegayo in ay dhalan karto wasakhow ku yimaadda Hawada.
Dad badan ayaa iyaguna waxa ay isticmalaan in ay wax ku karsadaan dhuxusha oo keenta in la neefsado kimikooyinka Kaarboonka leh oo keeni kara dhibaatooyin, gaar ahaan haweenka. Sida oo kale, waxa ay keeni karaan dhimasho haddii lagu shido gudaha guri aan lahayn meel hawo ka soo gasho.
3. CARADA
Carrada wadankeenu inta badan waa nadiif, waxana ku jira waxyaabo nool. Dadka beeralayda ah iyo kuwa xoolo dhaqatada ah ayaa ay u isticmaala digada in ay ku nafaqeeyaan carrada. Waxa keliya ee caradda waxyeelo gaadhsiin karaa waa qashinka. Waana in dowladda Hoose la timaado farsamooyin lagu ururinayo qashinka.
The name "Nagaad" is a Somali word meaning "after hardship and difficulties, we have come to rest in peace". The name symbolizes the painful moments the women went through both during the war and post conflict Somaliland.
Check our website http://www.nagaad.org Programme is running neighbourhood environment committees, which is a strategic approach for the systematic promotion of self-reliance. The goal is to create and promote self-supporting structures, which would help to eliminate the culture of dependence. The project objective is to work with local communities at the neighbourhood level and to promote and enhance awareness among the local communities.
The environment programme's overall goal is toimprove the status of environment conservation and protection in Somaliland. Somaliland faces some serious environmental challenges, such as uncontrolled cutting of acacia and juniper forests for charcoal and timber export. This practice is causing lasting damage to the rangelands - the country's most precious resource.
Currently, the Environment Environment Programme The goal is to create and promote self-supporting structures, which would help to eliminate the culture of dependence
This Newsletter is Published by NAGAAD Umbrella Organization with support from Hendrich Boll Foundation (HBF) and EC. DEEGAAN-JIRE
Environment Forums heldby NAGAAD.
Sada Mire, a postgraduate student at the UCL Institute of Archaeology, will next week be returning to her native Somaliland for the first time in 16 years. Last time she was there, the region, a territory within Somalia, was in the midst of civil war. Now, she is heading back to conduct her PhD fieldwork, in which she plans to investigate cultural landscapes. She is the first British-based researcher to work in Somaliland for 28 years – and the only Somali archaeologist anywhere in the world – but she is aiming to achieve far more than archaeology during her time there.
“Somaliland is now an independent region within Somalia,” she says. “It has its own elected government, which seeks international recognition as an independent state, and is at peace, but the war has left a lot of problems. While I work on my PhD project, I want to try to encourage interest in cultural heritage in Somaliland, which I think will be very important for reconciliation in the country.”
The government in Somaliland have expressed their support for her project, which is the first indigenous archaeology project to take place there. The project will focus on the cultural uses of the landscape, and will include archaeological survey of significant sites.
Sada’s own experiences of the conflict that tore through her homeland mean that her return will be significant for personal reasons as well. “When the war started in the beginning of 1991, I was 15 and we were internally displaced people (IDPs) for a year, very much in the same way that we see people in Darfur today as they wander around in the semi-desert trying to escape violence,” she says. Her father, a critic of the government in the 1980s, was put under house arrest when Sada was a child, and was killed in 1989 amid a period of ‘ethnic cleansing’.
“Our family has been dispersed to so many parts of the world. I have not seen my oldest brother for 25 years, since he left Somalia when I was 6, but I will be seeing him when I return there.”
Taking the landscape as its central theme, her project explores an important part of the Somalis’ cultural heritage. Many African societies have little written history, making archaeology a key means of exploring their past. But the added significance of landscape for Somali people is that it predates modern nation-state politics, and is common to many of the ethnic groups that live in the region. Modern-day borders are largely the result of sometimes-arbitrary divisions of land between European powers in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, whereas free movement in the land has remained culturally important to this predominantly pastoral nomadic people.
Sada hopes that, by generating greater interest in the shared cultural heritage of the Somali people she can foster reconciliation and better relations.
Here is the text of a letter I received from Omer Hussein Dualeh, Somaliland Citizen, Doha-Qatar, for which I thank him most kindly.
Camel traders, originally uploaded by CharlesFred.
"Ethiopia is not honest about the Somaliland issue, regardless of the good neighborly relations that we have, and at the same time, as the Sudan papers say they do not want Somalia to be stable and prosper either. There was traditional man made enmity between Somalia and Ethiopia of the centuries, but if they [Ethiopia] think properly, its the interest of their country to have a peace of mind [peace with its surroundings] to enable them to have time to make use of the Nile water. This is the whole problem that Ethiopia has with Somalia, because Arabs [Egypt] are those who do not want Ethiopia to have more time to build Dams and irrigate the land to feed their people. This is whole problem in this part of the world.
It is therefore, the interest of Ethiopia to recognize Somaliland and have good brotherly relations with both Somaliland and Somalia. This will enable Ethiopia prosper and eliminate the Arab influence in the Horn.
I hope our brothers in Ethiopia will come to terms and extend hand with the Somaliland people. Let Ethiopia go back to the history and dig archives and see that they were one of the 35 countries who recognized Somaliland in June, 1960, before we join the Italian Trusteeship of Somalia. We united with Somalia for a purpose, and that purpose has not worked. We have now disengaged, simply because that un-rectified union was a failure..
The people of Somaliland build a nation from the ruins of Siad Barre Force bombardments, and we have institutions that are working and progresses by the day. We are at peace with ourselves and our neighbors. The viable democracy we have built is show case for Africa if they want to copy.
The moral values of the West are at stake and needs to be revisited by their head of states. Tony & Bush claim almost everyday, that they are promoting democracy in the Middle East, but they do not see what is happening this part of the Middle East, which could work with the interest of their slogan.
We are the only country in Africa, where the liberators of Somaliland did not stick to the power, but handed over to the people within the stipulated period of two years if not less. We put our house in order, by creating a unique peace formula, and came in peace with each other, by avoiding the reprisal and finger pointing to those who were fighting or supporting the old regime against majority of the People of Somaliland. The current President of Somaliland has said in different occasions that I am one of minority clan that was not part of the liberators of this country, and I was elected by the people of Somaliland who, for the interest of the country forget the past.
Where are the Ethics and fairness of the West and the wider world? We have been punished for the democracy that we built in our own way, without the help of the international community.
Somaliland could help and be part of the solution with regard to the regional geopolitical and stability, if we are given the chance to do that. We have nothing to do with the Africa’s so-called Pandora’s box, because we stay within our colonial boundary.
AU and others must come forward in dealing with the situation in Somaliland and extend a helping hand by recognizing this young nation."
By J. Peter Pham
World Defense Review, December 13, 2007
In October, in my testimony to a House Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health hearing on security in the Horn of Africa, I stated:
The most significant national interest at stake for the United States in this complex context is to prevent al-Qaeda (or another like-minded international terrorist network) from acquiring a new base and opening a new front in its war against us and our allies ...
I would be remiss if I did not avail myself of this opportunity to raise the question of the remarkable reemergence of the Republic of Somaliland amid the ruin of Somalia and multiple conflicts wracking the Horn of Africa. With the collapse of the Somali state, the Somalilanders reasserted their independence and created a functional government, complete with all the accoutrements of modern statehood save, alas, international recognition...
Surely if America's national commitment to support and strengthen democracy as a bulwark against extremist ideologies and terrorist violence has any real-world application, it is certainly the case here. The point I made at last year's hearing on the expanding crisis in the Horn of Africa is even truer today: "The people of Somaliland have made their choice for political independence and democratic progress. While they have stumbled occasionally along the way, their efforts deserve encouragement through the appropriate economic, political, and security cooperation – which, in turn, will anchor Somaliland within America's orbit as well as international society."
I make no apologies for constantly returning to this theme: it is to me incomprehensible that we continue to express concern about the state of democracy in the Horn of Africa while all but ignoring a New York-sized region that has held internationally-monitored elections for the presidency as well as national and local legislatures. Talk of mixed signals!
Last week, in its December 4 issue, the Washington Post carried a remarkable article by Ann Scott Tyson. Under the headline "U.S. Debating Shift of Support in Somali Conflict," the piece notes that "the escalating conflict in Somalia is generating debate inside the Bush administration over whether the United States should continue to back the shaky transitional government in Mogadishu or shift support to the less volatile region of Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991" and quotes two anonymous Department of Defense officials:
"Somaliland is an entity that works," a senior defense official said. "We're caught between a rock and a hard place because they're not a recognized state," the official said.
The Pentagon's view is that "Somaliland should be independent," another defense official said. "We should build up the parts that are functional and box in" Somalia's unstable regions, particularly around Mogadishu.
In contrast, "the State Department wants to fix the broken part first – that's been a failed policy," the official said.
In conclusion, Navy Captain Bob Wright, head of strategic communications for the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based at Camp Lemonier, Djibouti, was quoted as saying "We'd love to [engage Somaliland], we're just waiting for State to give us the okay."
The next day, December 5, the Bureau of African Affairs posted to the State Department website a five-bullet point "fact sheet" attempting to explain what passes as "United States Policy on Somaliland": The United States currently engages the Somaliland administration and has provided assistance, for example to the election effort. Our policy on recognition is to allow the African Union to first deliberate on the question. We do not want to get ahead of the continental organization on an issue of such importance.
As indicated in the full quote above, the United States continues to engage with the administration in Somaliland on a range of issues, most directly Somaliland's continued progress towards democratization and economic development.
In FY 2007, the United States provided a total of $1 million through the International Republican Institute to support training for parliamentarians and other key programs in preparations for the upcoming municipal and presidential elections in Somaliland. We expect to provide an additional $1.5 million in continued support for the democratization process in Somaliland following the elections.
While we continue to engage with the Somaliland administration, we do believe that the African Union is the most appropriate forum to address the question of recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. We understand that Somaliland is pursuing bilateral dialogue with the African Union and its member-states in this regard.
However, as the African Union continues to deliberate on this issue, the United States will continue to engage with all actors throughout Somalia, including Somaliland, to support the return of lasting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa. On the face of it, the Foggy Bottom's position seems reasonable enough: the United States does not want to be blamed for opening up a veritable Pandora's Box by backing a secessionist attempt to redraw colonial-era boundaries in Africa which could cause a ripple effect across the continent; better to let the African Union make that call. However, the artful facade the diplomats put up to cover their geopolitical inertia is utterly mendacious, despite the truly diplomatic efforts of Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale to welcome the State Department's positive comments about the country's "continued progress towards democratization and economic development."
First, as I pointed out in this column nearly two years ago: "From 1884 until 1960, Somaliland existed within its current borders as the protectorate of British Somaliland. On June 26, 1960, Somaliland was granted its independence by the British Crown and was internationally recognized as a sovereign state. When, a week later, the United Nations trust territory that had been the Italian colony of Somalia received its independence, Somaliland joined it to form a united republic. The union, however, was troubled from the beginning...Amid the anarchy that ensued following Siyad Barre's ignominious flight in January 1991, clan elders in Somaliland issued a declaration reasserting the independence that the northwestern region had briefly enjoyed in 1960." There is no question of – much less precedent set for – redrawing colonial frontiers.
Second, the African Union (AU) itself has acknowledged the unique circumstances surrounding Somaliland's quest for recognition. The official report of an AU fact-finding mission to the republic in 2005 led by AU Deputy Chairperson Patrick Mazimhaka concluded: "The fact that the union between Somaliland and Somalia was never ratified and also malfunctioned when it went into action from 1960 to 1990, makes Somaliland's search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. Objectively viewed, the case should not be linked to the notion of 'opening a Pandora's Box'. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case."
However, by punting the question to a body like the AU, which decides major political questions by consensus, while simultaneously continuing the delusional policy of recognizing the utterly ineffectual "Transitional Federal Government" (TFG) of Somalia, which asserts sovereignty over the entire territory of the defunct Somali Democratic Republic despite being unable to so much as control its putative capital, the State Department belies any pretensions of neutrality. The Africa Bureau knows very well that there is no way the phantasmal TFG will ever permit an AU consensus to be forged which recognizes the de facto Republic of Somaliland. Thus the State Department's support for the fictional Somalia's continued presence at international forums like the AU is fundamentally irreconcilable with functional Somaliland's ever getting a fair hearing. So the only thing conceivably worse than the State Department being cynically duplicitous in its Somaliland policy is the possibility that its denizens don't realize this and, hence, are criminally incompetent in their guidance of U.S. policy in the geopolitical sensitive Horn of Africa.
Fortunately, the TFG may not be a factor for much longer. Last week, its "president," Abdullahi Yusuf, was hospitalized in Nairobi, Kenya, and had to cancel a meeting in Addis Ababa with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice; should his condition worsen, that charade will be over. The meeting that did take place between TFG "prime minister" Nur Hassan Hussein and America's top diplomat was farcical to anyone with historical knowledge of the region. The secretary said she hoped "Hussein will draw on his humanitarian background to facilitate delivery of much-needed humanitarian aid." What "humanitarian background" does Dr. Rice refer to? His role as police colonel under the brutal dictator Muhammad Siyad Barre? His tenure as deputy head of the despot's "National Salvation Court," a military tribunal that sent thousands of regime opponents to their deaths? Or perhaps his leadership of the Somali Red Crescent Society where he "did well by doing good" – so well, in fact, that as Somalia descended into chaos and its luckier citizens fled, his children inexplicably found the capital to open a string of internet cafés and currency exchanges in Great Britain to meet the needs of their displaced countrymen? And while the secretary could only "encourage" the self-appointed TFG "to develop a timeline for the remainder of the transitional process by early January" in the hope of staging elections sometime in 2009, Somaliland has already held several sets of the internationally-monitored free polls, the most recent, the parliamentary elections of 2005, was observed and reported on by an International Republican Institute (IRI) delegation led by Ambassador Lange Schermerhorn, a former U.S. envoy to Djibouti who has also served as political advisor to the CJTF-HOA. (I served as an election observer with the ambassador in Nigeria earlier this year.)
The failure of the TFG should not be surprising. As I pointed out a year and a half ago, the pretender regime is little more than the product of a well-intentioned effort by the international community to conjure up yet another government for Somalia after the ignominious collapse the previous year of its previous attempt, the risible "Transitional National Government" (TNG), which went through four prime ministers and hundreds of cabinet members in three years before going bankrupt, having misappropriated millions of dollars in donor funds while governing nothing other than what was inside the confines of the four walls of "president" Abdiqasim Salad Hassan's villa in nearby Djibouti. With even fewer prospects and, if it is possible, even less legitimacy than the TNG, the TFG's leaders have little incentive to do anything other than leverage the international recognition which is their only real asset with which to enrich themselves.
One could hardly find a starker contrast to this than Somaliland. As former World Bank economist William Easterly, hardly someone who looks at Africa through rosy lenses, noted in his realistic, if somewhat pessimistic, volume, The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good:
In Somalia, the "international community" has sponsored fourteen rounds of fruitless peace talks since the collapse of the government in 1991, not to mention the failed UN/U.S. military intervention. Meanwhile, without outside intervention, foreign aid, or even international recognition, the breakaway Republic of Somaliland in the north of Somalia has enjoyed peace, economic growth, and democratic elections over the same period.
Thus, among the many others which could be adduced, there are five compelling reasons for the United States to abandon the bankrupt, State Department-driven policy of preferring self-appointed "leaders" of a failed construct to an effective government of a real country:
Counterterrorism. As the Pentagon has now publicly acknowledged (and as I suggested earlier this year), scarce resources would be better spent boxing in the troubled parts of Somalia, rather than vainly asserting the questionable claims by a clearly unpopular regime whose illegitimacy is actually a magnet for extremists. No less a figure than Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates declared last week while visiting Camp Lemonier that his "biggest concern for Somalia is the potential for al-Qaeda to be active there." Formal ties with Somaliland would permit closer ties between U.S. military and intelligence personnel with their counterparts in the small country's services. Access to Somaliland territory, including the onetime NATO installation at Berbera, would also expand the scope for counterterrorism and other operations by CJTF-HOA as well as the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) which will subsume it next year.
ion of Somaliland would "show the countries and peoples of the subregion our resolve to reward progress as well as give the lie to those who argue that our anti-terrorism and pro-democracy objectives are not subterfuges for an anti-Muslim agenda. (Somaliland's population is almost exclusively Sunni Muslims and the shah?dah, the Muslim profession of the oneness of God and the acceptance of Muhammad as God's final prophet, is emblazoned on its flag.)" Furthermore, U.S.-led diplomatic recognition of Somaliland would not only allow the country much-needed access to international institutions and finance for development of the country itself, but also spur regional integration and prosperity. To cite just one example, America's close partner Ethiopia, whose cut-off from the sea is a factor in the border dispute with Eritrea which I discussed two weeks ago, would benefit directly from access to Somaliland's 900-kilometer coastline along the Gulf of Aden.
Natural resources and economic opportunities. Earlier this year, I reported on mainland China's play for petroleum resources in Somalia. Establishing formal ties with Somaliland would not only open opportunities for American firms to bid for similar concessions in that country, but also to invest in what could be a significant regional market. Conversely, ties with American commercial interests would also help anchor the strategically-placed country in the orbit of the United States as it joins the global economy. On the other hand, Somaliland's considerable potential for economic and social progress is jeopardized not only by the maelstrom in neighboring Somalia, but also, as the AU has reported, by "the lack of recognition [which] ties the hands of the authorities and people of Somaliland as they cannot effectively and sustainably transact with the outside to pursue the reconstruction and development goals."
Moral imperatives. As I previously argued, "Somaliland's trajectory...has been nothing if not extraordinary, being characterized by both social stability and democratic politics – the northern region's progress standing in stark contrast to the free fall of the rest of the former Somalia. And despite being cut off from international financial institutions, direct bilateral assistance, and other sources of development and investment capital – all for want of diplomatic recognition – the Somalilanders have rebuilt Hargeysa, which was leveled during the Siyad Barre regime's brutal campaign against them, and resettled close to one million of their displaced citizens." Somaliland has already had democratic presidential, legislative, and local government elections; even the State Department has acknowledged that its upcoming presidential and municipal elections are more than credible enough to deserve U.S. funding.
Global leadership. Despite some major faux pas of American foreign policy in recent years – both in substance and implementation – the world still defaults to looking to the United States to take the lead in critical arenas like the Horn of Africa. A number of governments, both African (including those of Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, South Africa, and Zambia) and European (including those of Great Britain, Germany, and Sweden), have either entered into de facto relations with or at least made friendly overtures to the Republic of Somaliland. In June, the German federal parliament even passed a resolution calling upon Chancellor Angela Merkel's government "to work towards mitigating dangers for Somaliland's stability that may arise from the current Southern Somali scenario," including "initiatives to advance the resolution of the question of an international recognition of an independent Somaliland." However, nothing is likely to advance without American leadership or at least tacit approval – in any event, the opposite of the State Department's passive attendance on the AU's capacity-challenged policymaking and implementation processed (see my column last week on "The Challenge of Peacekeeping in Africa").
At the very launch of this column series, I wrote: "Since the disintegration of the Siyad Barre's oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as 'Somalia.' Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people's quest for freedom and security mirrors America's values as well as her strategic interests." If anything, that counsel is even truer today than ever before, as many of our military officers have now publicly acknowledged. The only question is whether or not America's elected political leaders will have the vision and fortitude to finally instruct their unelected diplomatic mandarins on the real stakes, diplomatic, military, and economic.
— J. Peter Pham is Director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He is also an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C., as well as Vice President of the Association for the Study of the Middle East and Africa (ASMEA). In addition to the study of terrorism and political violence, his research interests lie at the intersection of international relations, international law, political theory, and ethics, with particular concentrations on the implications for United States foreign policy and African states as well as religion and global politics.
New School New York: What is to you the most valid argument for international recognition of Somaliland?
Dustin Dehéz: In my view there is only one important argument and that is the right of self-determination. Somalilanders clearly made use of that right, as numerous democratic elections in the recent past have shown. The progress being made should now translate into international recognition.
New School: What is the most important point from the perspective of the international community?
Dehez: I see two major concerns: firstly international recognition could be quoted as a precedent for state secession by other independence-movements throughout the continent. Secondly, but with less impact: Recognition could spark violence between the South and Somaliland and thus creating regional instability.
Talking to Western foreign policy makers there is one clear question nearly every diplomat puts forward: Who would have an interest in recognition? Clearly most of them do not think that recognition is a necessity for the country’s development in the first place. Secondly, the benefit/impact that recognition would have: a strong signal to Muslim states in the Middle East that democratic transition would be appreciated by the West – is not yet in all minds.
Furthermore the reluctance to recognise Somaliland in order to avoid a precedent might change within the next five years, when the Sudanese in Southern Sudan will vote on their independence. If they vote in support of independence international politicians might recognise Somaliland in what they see as a shortly open window for change in the Horn of Africa.
New School: What are the dangers of recognition? Is it right to say that the dangers are bigger if recognition does not happen?
Dehez: Contrary to many observers I do not see the danger that international recognition would be quoted as a precedent by other secessionist movements. The case of Somaliland is in a sense unique, even in Africa. First it is hard to secede from a state that does not exist. This distinguishes the case of Somaliland from secessionist movements in Nigeria or Sudan. Secondly, no other movement has been that successful in establishing a working state structure. What should matter most is the question if a state is capable of providing basic services such as health care and education to its people. Somaliland is better positioned than many international recognised states in these practical issues. While in most cases of secession we speak of movements such as the SPLM/A, in the case of Somaliland we are talking about a de facto state. Independent political structures like every other political entity evolve over time, in doing so they develop an internal dynamic that cannot simply be turned back, especially when this dynamic had been sparked without foreign assistance or help. Somaliland in this sense is politically more mature.
But although it cannot be viewed as a precedent by other movements, at least not credibly, international recognition could nonetheless lead to violence. We have indications that a newly formed Al-Ittihad cell formed in Mogadishu is seeking to destabilise the country. And the TFG of Somalia which is still trying to enhance its legitimation could be tempted to exploit recognition by declaring war or trying to intervene with militias from Puntland. On the other hand, the international diplomatic community seems to be convinced that the current situation could continue without much damage: While welcoming Somaliland’s progress nobody wants to tell the TFG and Southern Somalis that Somaliland’s independence in the medium run is inevitable.
This stance towards Hargeysa is not without difficulties: Somaliland has made progress and although I believe that much of this progress is of sustainable nature Somaliland is nonetheless vulnerable. It is now in a position where it needs international recognition to proceed with the development of its economy – in a country with a high level of unemployment a necessity. Making contracts with international companies over port facilities or exploration rights will become a lot easier if Somaliland would achieve international recognition. With a weak economy the country could eventually become attractive for terrorists or organised crime that both benefit from weak states and less developed states. All in all, dangers are indeed bigger if Somaliland would not be internationally recognised.
New School: Have there been any recent changes in Somaliland’s relations with neighbouring/regional countries, in particular Ethiopia after the Foreign Minister of the usually supportive neighbour claimed that his country would be “the last country to recognise Somaliland”?
Dehez: I am convinced that Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister’s recent statement is merely rhetoric. Ethiopia’s primary concern is the fragile security in its Ogaden region which is mainly inhabited by Somalis. Therefore Ethiopia is not only maintaining friendly relations with Somaliland but also with the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) of Abdullahi Yusuf. But the TFG is still lacking legitimacy and many Somalis regard the TFG not mistakenly as an Ethiopian puppet regime. In a move to strengthen the TFG, Ethiopia is officially committed to the territorial integrity of Somalia and is downplaying its relations with Hargeysa. As many Somalis in the South still seek a “Greater Somalia” (including the Ogaden, parts of northern Kenya, Somaliland and Djibouti), supporting the TFG in its nationalist rhetoric is only a tactical move. However, as soon as the first countries will to recognise Somalia, Addis Ababa will follow suit.
New School: We are also interested to get a better understanding of the relations to South Africa as a major African player. How close is South Africa to the current Somaliland government?
Dehez: Officially South Africa would certainly deny that any such links to Hargeysa exist. However, I am convinced that there are diplomatic channels between the two countries. My understanding is that South Africa is the only country on the African continent that could potentially lead the continent into a new era, due to its better infrastructure, its record of good governance, its influence in international peacekeeping, its relative ethnic homogeneity, and finally because its political structures are more stable than those of its only potential rival in Sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria. Therefore South Africa is going to play a leading role in reshaping the continent. This includes a new and relative flexible stance towards boundary issues, as new ideas on statehood in Africa are generally endorsed. The African Union is mirroring this new approach and its charter already allows for interference in national sovereignty. This new stance is accompanied with a new approach to security in general: in the past sovereignty and territorial integrity were the major focus of security questions while the focus has now shifted to issues such as terrorism, small-arms trade, organised crime or narco-trafficking, this shift could benefit Somaliland. South African delegations have been to Somaliland and are said to be heavily impressed by the progress being made. The question is what Pretoria would gain from international recognition. Somaliland is geographically located on the periphery of Africa and many Somalis regard themselves as Arabs. Egypt is interested to enhance its influence in Somalia and the Horn in general. As soon as the government of South Africa is convinced that recognition would balance Cairo’s influence and would furthermore enhance its image of being an active supporter of the African people and Africa in general, it will recognise the country.
New School: Do you see advantages for Somalia if Somaliland would be internationally recognised (for example the influx of more aid into Somaliland that would also benefit the stability and development of Somalia)?
Dehez: Basically yes, in a sense international recognition is a prerequisite for success of any peace process in overall Somalia. Only when it is clear that Somaliland’s independence is inevitable can a valid peace agreement be reached. Additionally the border conflict between Somaliland and Puntland (or Somalia) could be solved by peaceful means through international independent ruling. The current TFG is still internally split and I do not believe that it will survive 2007 and I even doubt the TFG will manage to stay intact during the course of 2006. A new peace process for Somalia will subsequently be needed.
Somalia and Somaliland likewise are dependent on cattle export. International recognition of Somaliland would turn the country’s economy from a non-official/not-unofficial economy into an official one, creating more revenues from its exports. That would strengthen the economy of the entire region including Somalia.
New School: How important is it in your view to have Somalia’s consent to international recognition for Somaliland? Can you imagine a compromise that Somalia would accept?
Dehez: I do not see any chance to get such consent. Basically no one will achieve the consent of a country that virtually does not exist. My impression is that an overwhelming majority of the more political active southern Somalis are strongly opposed to Somaliland being independent. The core point is that Somalilanders made use of their right of self-determination, and given the current state of Somalia I do not think that Somaliland needs Somalia’s consent or that Somalia can effectively stop Hargeysa on its course.
Marleen Renders is Teaching Fellow at the Department of Public Law, Ghent University. Email: Marleen.Renders@Ugent.be
"Explicit Islamist political activism was virtually impossible in Somaliland’s clan-based polity of the late 1990s."
Northwestern Somalia, although it is part and parcel of the larger context of the Somali civil war which affects all Somali populations in the Horn, stands out as a particular political context. The region declared secession as an independent state as early as 1991 under the name of “Somaliland.” It is generally peaceful and has known a reasonably stable measure of government since 1997. Democratic (externally monitored) elections were held in 2002, 2003, and 2005. The fledgling state-apparatus however, is tiny and severely under-funded. Political stability has been maintained via a peculiar mix of institutions and actors, state as well as non-state ones, with a
pivotal role for the elders and the political strongholders of the various Somaliland clans and subclans. Clan politics is a real and important factor in Somaliland’s making and functioning today. In the absence of a protecting and providing state, clan allegiance is a determining factor as far as individual physical and economic security are concerned.
Apart from clan, Islam is felt very strongly about. The persistent situation of insecurity and uncertainty over the past fifteen years seems to have only exacerbated this.
Islam in a stateless society
The clan-system and Islam have co-existed for centuries as institutions
suited to the needs of an egalitarian Somali pastoralist society.
In Somali mythical history, the clan system is as old as Islam itself.
It is traced back to the advent of Muslim traders on the Somali coast. Arab traders, who were to various degrees related to the Prophet himself, married Somali women, thus starting the lineages which make up the clan-system today. Somali clans take pride in never having known “paganism.” The Somali polity was a so-called “stateless society.” In a context without formal political hierarchy social order and peace were guaranteed via customary law2 (heer), a system of contracts between roaming pastoralist (patrilinear) descent groups belonging to the larger groups called “clans” and “clan families.” Heer varies from place to place, depending on situations, circumstances, and groups involved. In matters concerning family-related issues such as marriage, divorce, or inheritance, heer is considered heavily influenced by the Sharia. Yet, rather than being based on individual responsibility, heer is characterized by collective responsibility, which is in fact at variance with Islamic orthodoxy.
When blood compensation (diya) is paid in case of death or injury, it is paid collectively by the descent group of the perpetrator to the descent group of the victim. In decisions concerning a particular descent group or in case of conflict between two descent groups, the group’s elders are collectively in charge. The elders see to it that the interests of the group are protected either by negotiation or by having the able men of the group take up arms. In the daily dealings of the descent group, the role of these elders, the so-called “spear bearers” (waranleh) is complemented with the role of another type of elders: the “men of religion” (wadaad). In principle, these men are excluded from full participation in secular politics: they are by definition non-combatants in conflicts between descent groups and they do not participate in political deliberations pertaining to their group’s interest. They are supposed to play a mediating role in case of conflict. Except, that is, when the war is a jihad.
One famous “wadaad” of the Darood clan however, Sayyid Mohamed Abdule Hassan, nicknamed by the British protectorate forces “the Mad Mullah” became a political leader. He waged a long and bloody jihad against Christian occupation (British as well as Ethiopian) of Somali lands from 1901 to 1920. He thereby predominantly attacked fighting forces of other Somali clans he considered as traitors because they had aligned themselves with the British “infidels.”
A wadaad can be anything from a member of a nomadic group who knows some Arabic and has more than average devotion and knowledge of religion to a truly learned man, a shaykh with intimate knowledge
of Quran and Islamic jurisprudence. The religious men attend tothe religious affairs of their lineage: they solemnize marriages, give their blessings, settle divorce and inheritance matters, direct Friday prayers, and so on. Their services are rewarded with gifts—some of the wadaads rely entirely on charity for their livelihood, as any gift to a wadaad brings a reward from God. In the fifteenth century, the introduction of the Qadiriyya brotherhood in Somalia gave rise to the
foundation of brotherhood “settlements.” In these religious communities, pious Somali from different clan backgrounds lived together as brothers, devoting themselves to cultivation, animal husbandry, religious study, and worship. In addition, they protected the sick, the old, and the disabled and provided religious education to future wadaado.
Independent Somalia
The 1960 independence signalled the advent of modern state structures to Somalia. In 1969, the civil regime was overthrown by a military coup. The coup leader, General Siyyad Barre, immediately outlawed the Somali clan system. Sharia remained formally part of the legal system, but in practice it played a marginal role. The regime displaced any potentially competing structure—aiming for total legal and political control.
Protests against the promulgation of the new family law of 1975, which in accordance with the proclaimed socialist ideals of Barre (but in contravention of the Sharia) granted equal inheritance rights to men and women, were immediately crushed by executing ten religious men
who had stood up against the law. Barre added the extra-legal National Security Courts to the judiciary system, bringing arbitrariness and terror to the Somali. Traditional clan elders were made into state agents as so-called peacekeepers between the “ex-clans.” At the same time, clan was instrumentalized politically. In the government’s discourse, Islam, as well, was “Siyyadized” to serve the ideological purposes of the military regime.
The regime’s “socialist” ideology with its secular, materialist outlook and its dictatorial style of government was a thorn in the side of an increasing number of Somali political and social actors, including a (relatively small and very loosely connected) group of Islamist activists.
These Islamists stated that they wanted to establish an Islamic public order—eventually culminating in the establishment of an Islamic state based on the Sharia. One aspect of their ideology stood out as similar to Barre’s proclaimed ideals for the Somali state: the Islamists wanted to do away with the clan system. They resented clanism as a political instrument that served Barre to keep Somali Muslims divided and under A reformist brand of Islam emerged and consolidated during the decades of the Somali civil war, which began in the early 1980s—leading up to outright state collapse in 1991. Initially, its socio-political position was rather marginal. Proponents of the new brand denounced the dominant local Sufi Islam as well as the Somali clan system, to which it was traditionally closely associated.
Soon however, lack of political and military success seems to have forced the Islamists back into the organically grown interaction between Somali Islam and the ubiquitous clan system, its politics, and institutions. At least for the time being.1
As such, these private Islamic schools have (together with other private initiatives) filled part of the gap left by the defunct Somali state educational system. They teach Arabic (which is the language of instruction at these schools) and Islamic sciences, but also marketable skills such as math, English, or computer sciences. The schools sometimes even belong to a formalized international network which gives the school’s graduates direct access to further education at Arab or Islamic universities worldwide.
Skills such as math, Arabic, and English are highly practical tools when doing business. Indeed, business seems to be the preferred occupation of the “new” religious men. Many of them became well-to-do businessmen, involved in contracting or trade. They are valued business counterparts (sometimes operating as subcontractors for international agencies) as they have a reputation as honest, diligent, and efficient workers who finish their work within the agreed deadlines. Some
sources claim that the better part of businesses in Somaliland is in fact controlled by these Muslim-believer type entrepreneurs. As such, oncemore, they are respected members of their communities, generating welfare as well as actual wealth.
The economic activities of the “new” religious men, however, highlight the most crucial difference with the traditional wadaad. Whereas the old wadaad was for his survival dependent on handouts from his clansmen—in cash or kind—the “new” religious man is economically independent, cultivating all kinds of business connections, independently from his lineage. Despite their apparent re-integration as a new kind of “wadaad” in the age-old interaction between Somali Islam and the clan system, their economic independence and power constitute a crucial change and may make for a fundamentally altered political dynamic in the future.
Yet, while Islamist armed militancy slowly started to develop, it was overtaken in speed by clan based military movements. In January 1991 Hawiye clan militia (General Aideed’s “United Somali Congress”) overran Mogadishu, ousted Barre and ended the twenty-one years of military dictatorship. Somalia fell apart, dismembered in ever more disintegrating clan-fiefdoms.
Upon the disintegration of the regime and the country a new dynamic ensued in the Islamist sphere. Part of the Islamist militants and sympathizers decided to stay out of the war between the clan-based militia and went back to their own clan areas where they promoted an Islamic public order from below,getting involved in various social activities, particularly education and health/sanitation related ones. Another part of the Islamist militants resorted to violent means, forming the then only trans-clan militia of the war, referred to as Al Itihaad (“Islamic Union”). The Islamist Al Itihaad behaved and operated like any other militia, trying to secure territory and strategic assets to make money out of them. Without longterm success, however. The Islamist militia was beaten by clan militia wherever they tried to set up shop in Somalia, be it Kismayo, Bossaaso, Las Qoray (Somaliland), or elsewhere. Unless they teamed up with one of the clan factions, they remained politically and militarily unable to establish themselves as a sustainable administration. Towards the mid-1990s, the Somali Al Itihaad militia disbanded: the rank and file just went home to their clan areas (including the new Somaliland state) while the leadership went on to pursue other avenues to further the Islamist project—within, rather than against the clan system.3
Islamists in peace-time Somaliland: the “wadaad” revisited?
Despite their ideological disapproval of the Somali clan system, Islamists had to re-insert themselves into that system in order to safeguard their physical safety (and ultimately their political project). Explicit Islamist political activism was virtually impossible in Somaliland’s clan-based polity of the late 1990s. Proponents of an Islamic public order became very prominent in business and charity: living, working, and preaching among their clansmen.
Their teachings still propagated a “new” Islam, stressing values such as a strict moral code, modesty in dress, and hard work as well as denouncing typical Sufi practices such as dikhr or religious chanting. They also strongly disapproved of the chewing of qaat, a herbal stimulant and favourite past-time of the overwhelming majority of the male population.
From a religious attribute for Sufi shaykhs who used it for meditation, qaat had developed into a social vice, taking up huge parts of household budgets, workers’ time, and causing health problems such as mental disorders. Although their religious teachings (especially concerning qaat) by no means went uncontested, the “new” religious men were respected in their communities for their virtuous behaviour and their religious knowledge. Like the “old” wadaad, these “new” religious men were part and parcel of their clans, yet, without a central role to play in actual clan politics.
A few of them appear to have been involved in talks following political conflicts between clans or between the Somaliland government and self-appointed representatives communicating “clan grievances,” thus allegedly fulfilling the traditional tasks of religious wise men trying to
temper conflict. More importantly however, they have been devoting considerable energy—as did the “old” wadaad —to charity and education.
A pet project for Islamic charity is, for example, the construction and maintenance of orphanages. Quite a few were set up in Somaliland, either with the help of locally generated funds or with proceedings from zakat collected and sent over by Muslims abroad. To be sure, orphans are much preferred beneficiaries of zakat: the Prophet himself was an orphan. As for the educational activities organized by the “new” religiousmen, these were a far cry from the traditional religious education provided by the wadaad in roaming Quranic schools (known as dugsi in Somali). The educational institutions they set up were similar to the so-called écoles franco-arabes in Western Africa (Senegal, Mali, etc.) with a broad curriculum but with a strong religious orientation.
Notes
1. I would like to thank Markus Höhne and Tobias Hagmann for their comments on an earlier version of this article.
2. In “Xeer,” the “X” is pronounced like the “H” in the Arabic name “Hassan.”
3. This is also true today in the case of the much later developing Mogadishu-based “Islamic Courts” movement, which briefly administered parts of Mogadishu from mid-2006 to the military intervention of external forces (USA and Ethiopia) in the winter of 2006–7. The Courts did actively rely on clan institutions and political strongholds to establish control.
KICK-STARTING ENTERPRISE & MARKET DEVELOPMENT IN CONFLICT/CRISIS-AFFECTED AREAS
Experiences from Somaliland & Puntland (Northern Somalia)
GERRY Mc CARTHY, CHIEF TECHNICAL ADVISOR, ILO PERPS (PROMOTION OF ECONOMIC RECOVERY PROJECTS IN SOMALIA) Email: gmc@unops.org
1. TOOLS FOR IDENTIFYING OPPORTUNITIES
* Past reports and interviews with pre-event stakeholders.
* Rapid/detailed sector/sub-sector analysis.
* Rapid/detailed market research (local, regional and export).
* Enterprise surveys.
* BDS surveys.
* Territorial Diagnosis and Institutional Mapping (TDIM) studies – using tool kits purposely developed for Somalia.
* Requests for assistance.
2. INCREASING THE AVAILABILITY OF INFORMATION ON OPPORTUNITIES
* Prepare and publish pre-feasibility business profiles (investors’ guides) of specific opportunities with potential to significantly impact on job and livelihood creation and improvement (focus on providing enough information for potential investors to proceed to formal business plan).
* Publish success information for copycat/replication.
* Mobile exhibitions.
* Internet.
* E-newsletters.
* Radio, TV, video and DVD programmes.
* Print material.
* Investor guide launches.
* Investor workshops.
3. ENTERPRISE & MARKET DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY
* Promote investments in enterprises of scale – special emphasis on targeting diaspora investment.
* Local markets – focus on market-led product and service opportunities (new and improved products and services).
* Export markets – get Somalis more directly to markets for commodities and into high value product chains – focus on value chain development in animal products, semi-precious gems, essential oils, honey and other.
4. ENABLING & FACILITATING BUSINESS SERVICES
* Provide only where no BS provider exists.
* Provide pre- and post- delivery support to providers.
* Get creative on BS – look at own programme/project components for potential BS opportunities
(e.g. local economic development, employment intensive investments.
5. BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT
* Weak administrations suggest basic approaches needed.
* Use employment and livelihood steering committees/forums and a dominant line ministry (e.g. Planning) to mobilize relevant mine ministries and backstop this group to develop and implement ToRs for developing roles of the regional authorities as catalysts and facilitators of private sector-led growth and expansion.
* Use pubic-private technical partnerships (spin-off from employment and livelihood steering
committees/forums) to promote public-private sectors dialogue and engagement for development of
sectors, sub-sectors, policies, frameworks, processes and so forth.
* Business institution and cooperative/association building insofar as possible.
6. LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
* Rural locations of at least some substance.
* Capacity building for communities – established of local economic development forums/committees,
develop/agree and implement community recovery action plans (comprising various sub-projects –
labour-intensive works, skills, etc).
* Capacity building for planning ministries – database, promotion of additional investment, process
development, etc.).
CASE STUDY: HENNA VALUE CHAIN DEVELOPMENT, SOMALILAND
Somalilander Shukri Ismail returned to Hargeisa from Washington DC in 1997. She founded the local NGO Candlelight whose mission includes the development of sustainable livelihoods for poor rural women. She wanted to explore the possibility of local production of henna (which is ground leaves of the Lawsonia inermis tree used for body decor) to compete with henna imported from Yemen. Danish Refugee Council provided a grant for a henna grinding machine while Irish agency Progressive Interventions facilitated a service provider to prepare a business plan and also started the process of linking Shukri to Body Shop International (BSI) by developing and testing samples, completion of fair trade paperwork, and facilitating a visit to Somaliland by two BSI representatives. By mid-2001 and after BSI product and market research and testing, Shukri’s henna was launched by BSI as their fair trade henna product in 49 countries worldwide. Shukri and a partner (Ahmed) established the commercial business, Asli Mills, to process and market the Henna while the women collectors were organized into collector cooperatives. The business is highly profitable employing 18 people and has developed other natural food and cosmetic product lines. An estimated 250 nomadic women enjoy regular decent incomes from collection of the henna leaves and supply to Asli Mills.
LESSONS LEARNT FOR REPLICATION/UP-SCALING:
* Don’t hesitate to experiment in conflict/crisis-affected areas.
* There are excellent fair trade market opportunities for natural products: giving people economic reasons for preserving and cultivating species has a direct and positive impact on the economy.
* Northern industry leaders have great potential for developing.
* Promote more diaspora involvement in Somalia: they can bring investment capital, and business linkages and business acumen from exposure to western market economies.
7. INTERIM EMPLOYMENT CREATION
The Somali EEL Programme EIIP COMPONENT
EMPLOYMENT INTENSIVE INVESTMENT PROJECTS – IMPACT OVERVIEW RATIONALE FOR EIIP: enables an immediate response to the prevailing infrastructure, employment and livelihoods crisis in Somaliland and Puntland Rural and urban employment- intensive infrastructure and
environment projects Inject cash into reviving fragile and depressed local economies.
CRITICAL FOR SHORT-MEDIUM TERM JOB CREATION AS PRIVATE SECTOR DIVERSIFICATION OF THE ECONOMY LEADING TO LARGE NUMBERS OF NEW JOBS & LIVELIHOODS IN SOMALILAND AND PUNTLAND IS A LONGER-TERM VISION
- Maximize local ownership of investments through community prioritized investment decisions & project implementation through community contracting Create quality assets for economic recovery
- Create immediate job opportunities for needy households – men, women and youth
- Consolidate the peace process through job creation and promotion of social dialogue.
The Somali EEL Programme EIIP COMPONENT
RESTORING & CREATING SOUND ENVIRONMENTAL CONDITIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE LAND- & COASTBASED LIVELIHOODS DEVELOPMENT
RURAL EIIP
URBAN EIIP
IMPROVING RURAL ACCESS
EMPLOYMENT INTENSIVE INVESTMENT PROJECTS:
PORTFOLIO & PARTNERS
INVESTMENT PROJECTS:
- RURAL FEEDER ROAD REPAIR, CONSTRUCTION & MAINTENANCE PARTNERS:
- ROADS AUTHORITIES (NESHA & SRA)
- TARGET LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITIES
- LOCAL PROFESSIONALS
- LOCAL ORGANIZATIONS LOCAL PARTNERS:
- TARGET LED COMMUNITIES
- LOCAL PROFESSIONSALS
- LOCAL ORGANIZATIONS PARTNERS:
- TARGET LOCAL ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT COMMUNITIES
- LOCAL PROFESSIONALS
- LOCAL ORGANIZATIONS
- FAO & OTHERS PROJECTS:
- MUNICIPAL ROADS, PAVEMENTS & STORM DRAINS
- LOW-COST HOUSING
- ENTERPRISE-BASED SOLID WASTE MANAG’M LOCAL PARTNERS:
- UN-HABITAT SOMALI URBAN DEV PROGRAMME
- COMMUNITY CONTRACTORS
& ENTERPRISES
- LOCAL PROFESSIONALS
PROVIDING QUALITY URBAN ASSETS & SERVICES FOR ECONOMIC RECOVERY & IMPROVED LIVING CONDITIONS
By: Hussein Ali Nuur (Chief Editor, Republican newspaper; Jamhuuriya Media House)
The first independent and privately owned newspapers in Somaliland emerged in 1992, only 8 months after the country declared its reclamation of its independence on May 18, 1991 in Burao.
Two years later private newspapers also appeared in Burao. They were established by professional Journalists as well as people who wanted to earn their living from the sale of these papers. Both groups had two factors in common. They had no capital to invest and their target was to pave the way and make a firm foundation for free media and freedom of expression, which the people of Somaliland were deprived for more than 3 decades.
Harassment and abuse of Journalists began soon after the first papers appeared, not by the government, for it had no any institution to enforce the law but by gunmen – who pretended to be fighters of the Somali National Movement (SNM) but were in reality, men who used their guns as a way of earning their living.
Journalists worried whenever they published about armed robberies or the need to disarm militiamen before their deployment began in 1994. These gunmen used to visit newspaper headquarters and threaten journalists saying; “How dare individuals who didn’t fight alongside the SNM Liberation Movement write anything that smears their names and discredit the Movement?”
Two of the most serious incidents were when gunmen visited the office of “XORRIYA” (liberation) newspaper and opened fire from an automatic gun – indiscriminately. Luckily no one was hurt.
The other incident was when two young and drunk gunmen carrying a hand-grenade tried to blow us while duplicating that following day’s paper. I and my colleagues were fortunate because one of the papers staff was a kin to one of the gunmen.
Detention of Journalists for writing anything criticizing the government was part of the life of Journalists. This trend reached its climax when the government confiscated all the duplicating machines, type writers of the 3 private newspapers and put 10 journalists in Hargeisa main prison in 1992 and held in custody for 21 days.
There are no laws and regulations that forbid or restrict the registration of new privately owned media be it electronic or the press but there is an unwritten law that has so far denied the opening of privately owned radio stations. Political parties and individuals are denied license or permit to open radio stations in the country.
Two reasons for such a discrepancy and setback in free media in Somaliland are:
- The only state owned radio to cover the whole country.
- Fear that the opposition might use radio, the most effective medium for their goals as the territory covered by the print media or the 3 TV stations (2 private and 1 State owned) is very limited.
As a result of the absence of free and privately owned radio in the country political party supported radio and individually owned radios were opened abroad.
Media in Somaliland has greater freedom than most of the countries in the developing world and many in the advanced countries. Their major shortcoming is that they are more politicized – due to the nature of the people – and as such their coverage of other subjects is limited.
Journalists are abused or threatened and sometimes detained for a day or two. But there are some who have been jailed for months:
Mr. Hassan Saed who was Chief Editor of Jamhuuriya has been arrested 14 times, before he handed the post to someone else.
Mr. Yusuf Gabobe owner and Chief Editor of Somaliland Times has been frequently harassed by the police. He was accused and taken to court, but his case is still pending for a long time. This is to keep him under tension and a means to restrict his criticism.
Mr. Abdirahman Mohamed Habane, a reporter of Jamhuuriya in Awdal Region has been in detention for more than a month in Borama prison. As far as we are aware he is the only journalist that has been tortured while in captivity.
Journalists arrested for either articles in the public opinion section or editorials are very few; but the strange thing is that those arrested if not released, when they appear before the judge, they are told they to have a pending case in court. This is the new trend followed.
There are 3 Journalists’ Associations in the country. One is a women Journalists’ Association established this year. SOLJA has journalist members both from the free media and State media, while SSJW has writers and journalists from the free media as members. I am not aware of any association which is government established, if it is not that of the women. I was Chairman to the first and second congress of SOLJA, which was attended by the majority of Journalists in the country.
The associations have links with media and international organizations. Different organizations including UN organizations have given training for Somaliland Journalists, but BBC has completed a 2-year training financed by the European Union early this year. This was the most comprehensive training given to Journalists in Somaliland but unfortunately only one of the two organizations benefited from it
The Globe and Mail: Memo to Paul Martin: 10/10/2005 09:20 AM
SEPTEMBER 29, 2005
On Oct. 10, 1970, Canada officially recognized mainland China's Communist government. This bold step ended the fiction that an aging group of anti-communists in Taiwan spoke for a billion Chinese. Canada's move ended the diplomatic logjam on the issue, and facilitated a flood of successive recognitions by Western governments. The stakes were high for the government of Pierre Trudeau. U.S. president Richard Nixon, champion of American anti-communism, opposed this China initiative. But he relented and with a visit in 1972, Mr. Nixon initiated negotiations to recognize China's government. The move ended years of schizophrenic denial on the part of the U.S. political establishment and altered the subsequent course of the Cold War.
Canada now has a similar opportunity to be a catalyst for change, not by recognizing a great power, but by giving recognition to humble Somaliland. The inauguration of the country's government that will emerge from today's elections could become an important date for Canadian foreign policy - and perhaps for the international system as a whole - if Prime Minister Paul Martin were to travel to the capital city of Hargeisa for the inauguration of Somaliland's newly-elected government.
Somaliland is a small outpost of order in the chaotic Horn of Africa. It was a British protectorate during the colonial period, but hastily entered into federation with the former Italian Somaliland just days after independence in 1960. It was an unhappy union.
Ultimately, Somaliland's struggle for independence from the warlord government of Mohamed Siad Barre in Mogadishu culminated in a series of massacres in 1989 that killed 50,000 Somalilanders. When Somalia's government collapsed in 1991, Somaliland declared its independence.
In just over a decade of de facto autonomy, Somaliland's accomplishments are impressive - especially when compared to the fate of the rest of Somalia. While factions there have accomplished little aside from endless internecine fighting through their respective militia, Somalilanders have built a state. Somaliland's government has worked to rehabilitate roads and ports. A central bank manages an official currency with relatively stable exchange rates. Police and courts maintain order. These functions are carried out despite an official budget of just $30-million (U.S.) supplemented by remittances from a scattered diaspora.
Somaliland has also constructed the political foundations of a functioning democracy. In a 2001 referendum widely perceived by Somalilanders as an endorsement of their independence, 97 per cent of voters endorsed a constitution reaffirming the country's independence. Since then, local and presidential elections have been held. Outside observers have deemed these elections to have been largely free and fair. Indeed, in the 2003 presidential election, the incumbent candidate won by just 80 votes out of 500,000. The opposition party, based around prominent fighters in the independence struggle, accepted the results.
So why does the rest of the world insist that Somaliland is ruled by the fictional state of Somalia? Part of the problem rests in a political and legal compact among African leaders not to alter post-colonial boundaries, irrespective of realities on the ground, which resonates with a broader international commitment not to alter borders. But Somaliland has a strong legal case for recognition, even under these restrictive criteria.
It is not international law that blocks recognition of Somaliland, but politics. Member states of the African Union and Arab League are reluctant to deviate from an insistence on the sanctity of borders. To do so, they argue, would be to open the lid on a Pandora's box of interminable territorial revision. More cynically, internationally guaranteed borders relieve them from the responsibilities and the inconvenience of actually governing the territory they claim and of earning the support of the population that lives in it.
All is not perfect is Somaliland: Journalists have recently been arrested and the autonomy of the judiciary is sometimes questioned. But little leverage is gained by excluding the possibility of formal recognition.
Outsiders have deferred to African leaders on the issue for too long. By initiating negotiations to recognize Somaliland, Canada would signal that respect for a state's sovereignty depends on democratic legitimacy, developmental performance, human rights, and basic issues of governance. It flows from a demonstrated ability by political authorities to fulfill the "responsibility to protect" their population, not from their capacity to control the capital and its outskirts.
Such a move would not destabilize the continent. Indeed, South Africa looks favourably upon Somaliland's independence and just last year recognized the independence of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (formerly Western Sahara), in a break with long-standing African practices.
Moreover, it would challenge a crippling regional consensus on the sanctity of borders that in recent decades has contributed very little to peace, order or good government in Africa.
The Martin government should take the lead on diplomatic recognition and follow up with a generous aid package. Somaliland is precisely the kind of problem in which bold diplomacy by Canada can make a real difference.
Jean Daudelin teaches international affairs at Carleton University.Lee Seymour is a PhD candidate in political science at Northwestern University and at the Institut d'études politiques in Paris.
The SEIGYM Programme Somalia
Extract from Skills and Literacy Training for Better Livelihoods: A Review of Approaches and Experiences
Oxenham, J. et al. The World Bank Africa Region, Washington D.C. 2002.
SEIGYM, Somaliland
The Somaliland Education Initiative for Girls and Young Men (SEIGYM), supported by the Africa Educational Trust, has adopted an unusual, possibly unique, approach for its urban participants. It gives them vouchers, which they can use to obtain the training that they want. As all the vocational and technical training on offer requires some school qualification, non-literate participants can locate and pay for instruction in literacy and numeracy, before moving on to specifically livelihood training. Over three years 5,000 disadvantaged girls, young women and young ex-militia men have received literacy/numeracy and/or vocational skills training.
The scheme took care to win the support of the local authorities and leadership and indeed works partially through them. Two main committees were formed with representatives from the ministry of education, women’s groups, youth groups, local NGOs, international NGOs and UN agencies. Later, there were also four “district” committees. These committees, working with tribal elders and community groups, select the disadvantaged girls and young men to receive vouchers.
Two systems then operated:
(a) students could receive a voucher which they could use to purchase education or training of their choice. The voucher was redeemable only through the Africa Educational Trust (AET) and only if AET inspected the training provider and certified its standards. AET also provided training courses for alternative trainers and craftsmen and women who wanted to run small training courses (e.g. carpenters, driving instructors, painters, tailors, nurses).
This system worked best in the larger towns, where there were craftsmen and women who wanted to provide the training and where there were enough students with vouchers to make it worth their while to run a course -usually 10 to 15 students for one particular subject.
(b) In other areas, vouchers were offered, but there were meetings and discussions with the students to ask what they wanted to purchase with them. Based on this, AET then recruited local trainers to provide the course, paying them against the value of the vouchers. This worked best in the smaller towns and was also important when the majority of students wanted literacy and numeracy.
In a number of cases a local committee agreed to support a project in which a local trainer was setting up a course for a specific group, e.g. a literacy class for 40 disabled people or a basic education class for the children of outcastes, to allow them to gain access to normal schools.
To identify the people who could apply for vouchers, AET worked with each local committee to reach agreement on definitions on who was eligible. Then AET and the committee worked on “fair and transparent” selection procedures in that locality. The reason for the different committees lay in the fractured nature of the local society: they aimed to try to cover different clan areas, so that the central committees would not be accused of bias towards their own clans. Based on the agreed procedures, the committees take responsibility for working with the local community groups, women’s groups, local authorities, Imams and clan elders to select the young people who would receive vouchers.
The vouchers are redeemed through a system of supervision and accountability. A local AET staff member monitors each “class” on a monthly basis. In the more remote areas, a local teacher or community worker is paid to do the monitoring, using an agreed procedure and reporting form. Voucher payments are then made against satisfactory performance. At present, this is measured very simply - attendance record of students and teacher over the month, teacher’s written lesson plans over the month, comparison of work in a random sample of students’ exercise books with objectives and work set out in lesson plans, the actual ability of students to complete exercises studied over the past month, as shown in their books and lesson plans.
In many cases, local classes are organised and run by women’s groups, community groups and youth groups in an area. In such cases, payment is made to the management of the group. For vocational courses, individual local trainers or craftsmen and women train small groups. Again these are monitored and payment made against delivery.
The account above suggests that, although SEIGYM does not aim directly at institution or capacity building beyond the skills and livelihoods of its learners, it is in effect forming new institutional norms, capacities and skills.
Emily Oldmeadow or Emma Page,
Africa Educational Trust
London WC2E 8JR
The overall aim of the WOVE Programme is to empower women living in rural and pastoral nomadic areas in Somaliland by improving their access to literacy, numeracy and life skills education in health, nutrition, hygiene, environmental awareness and women’s and children’s rights.
The programme has six objectives namely:
(1) To enable 4000 women living in rural and pastoral nomadic areas in Somaliland to access and complete locally developed and delivered functional literacy, numeracy and relevant life skills programmes.
(2) To develop local capacity in the remote and rural areas of Somaliland for delivering locally based education and training projects, especially projects for women.
(3) To develop the teaching skills of fifty women living in remote and rural areas of Somaliland, especially their skills in teaching adult literacy, numeracy and life skills to women.
(4) To encourage and foster capacity at the village, regional and national level to make fair and transparent decisions making and in applying equal opportunities for people from different clans and minority groups.
(5) To encourage and foster a continuing and sustained reading habits and use of literacy in rural and remote areas of Somaliland by the local development of relevant and suitable Somali curriculum and supplementary reading materials for adult basic readers.
(6) To promote peace and reconciliation amongst men and women from different ethnic and clan areas by developing and fostering positive working relations between village and regional community groups from the different areas involved in the project.
In order to achieve these objectives a Participatory Impact Assessment (PIA) was conducted to identify community and stakeholder views on desired outcomes, impacts and indicators of attainment to be used for the project. Following this a local curriculum development workshop was held to design and develop local relevant teaching and learning materials suitable for teaching literacy, numeracy and life skills to women in rural and remote areas, specifically in health, nutrition, hygiene, environmental awareness and women and children’s rights. The facilitators and all participants were from Somaliland.
Following the workshop the Somali project co-ordinator and two regional assistant project officers worked with local organisations to develop fair and transparent procedures for selecting the target villages and the individual beneficiaries within those villages. Regional and village selection committees and monitoring groups were established and each group received training from the local project staff.
Fifty women were then selected as prospective teachers. Each was selected in consultation with the local village committee, where potential women with previous teaching experience were chosen. All received training in the use of the locally developed WOVE curriculum. The village committees then worked with the local project staff to select 2,000 women for the first phase of the literacy, numeracy and life skills course. The classes were arranged in the home villages at times and locations suitable for and acceptable for the women enrolled.
Following the establishment of the classes the project then provided training workshops and financial support to help local writers and artists to produce reading materials relevant to and suitable for adult basic readers, especially women living in rural and remote areas. Twenty short booklets, on topics relevant to the lives and interests of the learners were written, illustrated and printed locally and multiple copies were distributed to all WOVE classes.
The project is now entering its third year. To date over 3,000 women have attended the literacy, numeracy and life skills courses across Somaliland and approximately 20,000 copies of the supplementary reading materials have been printed and distributed to the WOVE learners and other students. In the third year of the project women learners in each WOVE village will be encouraged to prepare and submit a short proposal for a Women’s Community Project. In preparing the proposal they will be asked to demonstrate how their literacy, numeracy and life skills have improved their ability to act together to help their local community. A project committee with representatives from the village groups from each region will then be asked to review and select the projects for small grants to enable the women to implement what the local community considers to be the best proposals.
This collection of essays provides a unique and insightful account of Somaliland's post-1991 reconstruction process from the perspective of Somalilanders themselves. It is the product of a collaborative research project undertaken by WSP International (formerly the War-torn Societies Project) and the Academy of Peace and Development (a local Somaliland institution) between 1999 and 2002. In accordance with WSP International's aims, Rebuilding Somaliland concentrates on analysing the specific challenges Somaliland is perceived to face in its ongoing reconstruction process. The final outcome, however, is a book that, in addition to dealing with those challenges, provides a general portrait of the secessionist north-western part of Somalia, a rare success story of post-conflict reconstruction and credited, by South African academic Iqbal Jhazbhay, as 'Africa's best kept secret'.
WSP's Somaliland programme generated two different types of written document. First, there is the 'self-portrait', which was intended to build 'a foundation of information and analysis on which a national discourse of post-war priorities could subsequently take place' (p. 359). Second, there are four 'entry points' (the results of workshops and working group deliberations) that aim to portray the 'debates and concerns of the Somaliland community' (p. 360) and advance an analysis of, and recommendations for, the relevant issues. It is these five written products that form the core of the book. The introductory chapter is a succinct version of the (previously published) Self-Portrait of Somaliland, which provides an overview of Somaliland's history and the plethora of perceived challenges in political, economic, and social rebuilding. The four 'entry points' (chapters 3µ6) deal with various issues. Chapter 3 addresses political representation, decentralization of administration, taxation, and equity in the context of Somaliland's transition from the clan-based 'beel system' to a multiparty democracy. Chapter 4 explores the role of the media in Somaliland's democratization process. Chapter 5 examines the important issue of regulation of Somaliland's livestock economy. And finally, chapter 6 examines the changing values, roles, and relationships within the family, the socio-economic effects of qaad use on the family, and social support systems for the post-war family. In addition to these five texts, the book has a chapter on the specific Participatory Action Research (PAR) methodology used in the research (chapter 2) and an external evaluation of the project (chapter 7).
Given that (southern) Somalia is currently experiencing one of the most politically turbulent periods in a long time and that several other states are battling with the challenges of reconstruction, Rebuilding Somaliland makes for topical reading. Above all, though, the book is a welcome addition to the still-meagre body of literature specifically on Somaliland , which to date consists only of a few journal articles, book chapters, and miscellaneous material produced by NGOs. The book will be of interest to both academics and policy-makers alike. However, one has to remember that the book 'written by a team of researchers from the Academy of Peace and Development, WSP International's affiliate in Somaliland, on the basis of thousands of interviews and conversations with people across Somaliland' (p. 2) is 'self-consciously designed to be written from the perspective of the Somaliland community' (p. 360) and as such 'it takes on an explicitly Somaliland point of view on matters related to the contemporary affairs of the self-declared country' (p. 360). This is a point taken up by Menkhaus in his evaluation. This partisan stance is particularly clear in the introduction, 'which includes interpretations of recent history clearly dominated by a pro-Somaliland position' (p.360), and no attempt has been made 'to strike a balance with southern Somali views, or to alert the reader that the interpretations provided may be contested by others' (p. 360).
The four research topic chapters of the book do provide space for dissenting views and debates within Somaliland. The book an outcome of a project that necessarily needed the consent and active participation of the Somaliland government was not hesitant in being critical of both national and international actors. However, as Menkhaus notes in the project evaluation, the consensual approach of the project together with the wide range of participants with a diverse range of views meant that on the occasions when no agreement was achieved, the recommendations probably of most interest to the policy-makers were fairly general and broad. Overall though, it appeared that the Somaliland project had clearly learned from the lessons of the Puntland and other WSP projects and as such proved a greater success. This success was clearly reflected in the quality of the book, which to date provides probably the most definitive account of Somaliland and its reconstruction process.
Sanaag is a remote eastern region of Somaliland, which bordered by approximately 380 kilometres of Red Sea coastline to the north and locates the border between Somaliland and eastern regions of Somalia. The region is divided into three districts: Erigavo, Badhan and Ceel AF weyne (El Afweyne), with the towns of Erigavo as the regional capital and Badhan and El Afweyne as the district capitals.
In terms of development, both the former central governments of Somalia and current Somaliland government and by International agencies and other NGOs, the region of Sanaag has been almost totally neglected. There are no surfaced roads in the region and services of almost any type are non-existent in the towns and the villages. Sanaag region lacks an adequate transport, communication and infrastructures, leading to a chronic lack of public services, particularly the important areas such as: health services education, agriculture and water supply.
Health Situation
- In health sector, health facilities are almost totally absent from villages to district capitals and there is a skeleton health service in the region capital.
- No basic medical facilities exists in the district hospitals and even the three district hospitals are virtually non-functional due to shortages of staff, supplies equipment, drugs, fuel and vehicles, and almost total lack of ongoing training, supervision, evaluation and maintenance equipment.
- There is acute shortage of surgical, orthopaedic, ophthalmic and gynaecology/obstetric equipment in all hospitals.
- Many health problems are evident in the region, the maternal
mortality rate and incidence of TB are extremely high, and the infant mortality rate and incidence of vaccine preventable diseases, childhood communicable diseases, anaemia, malnutrition, respiratory tract infections, diarrhoeas and problems associated with pregnancy and childbirth are serious health problems.
Erigavo General Hospital
Erigavo General Hospital is one of the most neglected hospitals in Somaliland and it lacks all basic health service facilities and equipments. The Erigavo hospital is the main regional hospital/ referral centre and only hospital for the three districts of Sanaag region and surrounding areas. The hospital has the following wards:
Maternity ward, Children’s ward, Female ward, Male ward, Tuberculosis (TB) ward. Maternity ward. The Maternity ward is not functioning at all, due to lack of equipment. Children’s ward. The children’s ward is also not functioning at all. Female and Male wards. The female and male wards are barely functioning with very limited equipment, they were both recently built but lack of equipment has rendered it useless.
Tuberculosis Ward: The Tuberculosis ward is fully functioning and it is the only department in the whole hospital that has a patient in it.
The most in need now are.
Ultra sound machine for mother and child safety and other applications.
Portable ECG machine and portable cardiac monitor, Doppler fetal heart monitors, Obstetric forceps sensor, Vacuum extractor, Sterilizer Drums.
Operation theatre tables, Operating light or operating theatre lamps,
Instrument for general surgery such as minor surgery sets, amputations sets, chest drainage instruments, scales, various size of forceps etc.
Gynecology/obstetric sets and delivery sets such as D & C sets, episeotomy sets etc. Resustation sets such as oxygen machine and other A&E equipments and sets. ENT sets, Eye examination sets. X-ray machine films and safety equipments. Laboratory equipments such as Binoculars microscopes, test tubes, sample collection containers, test reagents, laboratory safety equipments, blood bank equipments, Serology equipments, chemical pathology equipments, hematology equipments such as HB sets, ESR sets etc. Centrifuges and incubators, fredges, distilled water making machine, infusion sets etc. OPD equipments such as patient examination tables, blood pressure apparatus, wheel chairs etc. Patients screens/curtain. And many more.
Somaliland: Women and the informal economy
When the country is striving hard for international recognition, where external investment is low, high underemployment and unemployment, instable economy, there are women, who contribute most for supporting countries economy through non-formal economy.
The non-formal economy is the area that is not recognised, recorded, regulated and protected by the public authorities. It is under now on discussion whether the public authority should provide support and protection to the non-formal economy.
It is hard to realize and admit for the planner, economists and policy makers that the bulk of economy and employment are being generated in the country through informal sectors. This sector not only creates job opportunities to millions of poor and unemployed but also flourishes national economy to a greater extent.
Study says that in Africa itself informal economy accounted for almost 80% of non-agricultural employment, over sixty 60% of urban employment and over the 90% of new jobs over the past decade. Though there is no available statistics about informal economy in Somaliland but it is more likely same as of rest of Africa.
Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, has witnessed the rising trend of informal economy over the past few years. Businesses starting from chat (one type of leaf people chew which is mild toxic in nature) to gold are operated and managed mostly by the women. The business is so rapid and fast growing sometimes it creates illusion that the Somaliland economy is moving with this. The skills and competencies women exhibit in handling this business apart from their household chores is really surprised. People should not be astonished if I say the women primarily control the informal economy in the Hargeisa city.
Why it is called informal:
This is not an organised sector. Economy theory does not speak much about this. Economists consider this economy does not contribute for national economy at macro level. Other reasons for considering as informal economy are based on certain criteria and assumptions like; any national law does not directly govern the sector. Government does not recognise the economy so they do not protect and safe guard the economy. As this is not recognised so it does not comes under the preview of legal framework. Many economists argue that the prime reason for non-acceptance by the government is because the economy does not directly contribute financially to the treasury of Government. Whatever the reasons there in, the truth is the sector is not properly patronised and cared.
The non-formal sector works under high degree of economic and social insecurity. They do not get any support in terms of formal credit linkage, skill upgradation, and business information because of its non-recognition and not organised status.
How this business runs?
The fundamental requirements for any business to run are buyer, seller, place, materials and money. If we analyse the market ingredients of this economy in Somaliland we find that the buyers and sellers are from rural and urban local communities. They gathered mostly in the pick hour of business that is 8 am to 12 pm. The items they sell in the market are numerous starting from money exchange, vegetable vending, jewellery selling, tea vending, chat selling, traditional handicrafts business, cloth retailing to milk and meat selling. The mode of transaction is through Somali shillings (now 1 US $ is equivalent to 6500 SSh).
The challenges for the sector:
The major challenge is the nature of business itself which is highly volatile and shaky. Second challenge the sector encounter is the access to credit. People do not get formal credit through financial institutions because of the collateral issue. Though the credit requirement differs from business to business starting from 50 US $ to 5000 US $. It was found that almost all entrepreneurs borrow money for business from the informal moneylenders mostly from relatives, businessman. Sometimes they do business on percentage share basis. They just take product from the whole sellers then sell it in the market and at the end of the day they return money to the whole seller and receive some percentage of the profit. Third challenge they face is lack of insecurity in the field of employment because of high instability and no legal bindings. Job insecurity because the sector is controlled by various invisible agents and external factor which do not guarantee professional growth and any formal contract. Labour market security is non-existence because the government policy does not protect or provide economic or social guarantee.
How to mainstream the informal economy:
In Somaliland context mainstreaming informal economy is like mainstreaming country’s economy. It is clearly evident that the Non-formal sector absorbs more people than formal sector in the country.
The greatest challenge in front of the country is access to external resource support for mega projects. So the alternative is to create environment for small enterprises both in formal and non-formal sector. This act will not only reduce unemployment but also raise per capita income of the country. This is not only Government who is responsible for everything but also it is NGOs, civil societies, academic institutions, and financial institutions who have responsibilities and duties for the people and the cause.
Areas need more focus and supports:
- Right to work as fundamental right.
- Freedom of association and right to organize and bargain collectively.
- Credit support through formal system to make free from debt bondage.
- Protection against any kind of exploitation in business and trade.
- Ensure workplace security, work decency and basic facility.
- Government policy to protect the sector and economy and strengthening labour law.
- Include in social security net. Like free health service, insurance etc.
- NGOs can organise workers, provide basic training and education, provide financial linkages, assist in policy advocacy and law, basis health care for the workers etc.
- Bankers can train them on business, extend credit facility, organise saving and credit groups and can make necessary amendments in the bank law for the credit linkage and technical support for the non-formal sector.
2. Sustaining Education
Sustaining Education is Sustaining Life. While education brings changes in lives and carries prosperity to the humanity at the same time educational institutions find it challenging to sustain itself. Many educational institutions in the third world countries depend upon external donations and Government support to run the institutions. In the present fast moving and demanding world quality and excellence is the majoring rod for success. To be an effective organization it is necessary to have well defined Mission, Vision and Core Value in place and in practice. This not only allows for more experimentation, research, diversification and team work but also encourages leadership, invites strategic thinking and establishes supportive work environment and work culture. To run all these things and continue in the effort it is necessary to have technical, managerial and financial resources available within the institution for use and support.
Yesterday I had visited Amoud University in Borama. Borama is a small town of Somaliland. Borama is strategically situated bordering to Djibouti and Ethiopia.
The Amoud University is located outskirt of Borama on a valley. The scenic beauty of nature and the very location of the University not only attract students and local natives but also visitors within and outside the Somaliland. The name Amoud (literary meaning is Valley) justifies is location and presence. There are no public or private transportation facilities available for the university campus but one can avail University transportation facilities. Students and lecturers use University bus for coming to the University.
The facilities:
The University is situated over 30 to 40 acres of land. More than 25 rooms and halls available for use as class room, computer laboratory, Director’s room, staff room, library etc. The University also has an extension study centre in Baroma town. Quarters for supporting staff are also available.
The University has a generator which can supply power to all blocks of the campus, 24 hours pipe water supply and also a canteen for tea, snacks and cool drinks.
University assets:
The University has a big library with more than 83,000 reference books, magazines and reports. It has more than 50 personal computers, one printer cum photocopier and one in focus (projector). For transportation it has five 30 seated bus and a small 8 seated cab.
Teaching Staff:
There are more than 30 teaching staff, 10 supporting staff are working in the university as full timer. Most of the staff are from Hargeisa town and they stay in Baroma.
Student and courses:
At present 3 major courses are available. These are on Business administration, Education (Science stream), Medicine and Surgery. Along with these a new course is introduced for imparting training to secondary school teachers. Altogether 450 students are participating in the education in different semesters. Majority of students are from Somaliland but there are few students from neighbouring countries.
How the University has been running?
The University has a management committee to look after over all work. Director of the University manages day to day functions of the University. To run the University an amount of 200,000 US dollars required each year. Though the actual requirement is more but University manages within this by reducing activities and payments. Nearly forty to fifty percent of total revenue comes from Students fees and rest of amount comes from donation from International Organizations, donor agencies, local community in Somaliland and Somali Diaspora and from government grant.
The library books and vehicles are donated by agencies and individual donors from Diaspora. Generator and some computers are received from the President of Djibouti as donation, Computers for students and staff are from International Cooperation for Development (ICD). ICD (CIIR) also provides Development Workers to the University under skill sharing programme. Development workers supported University for management of library and Information Technology program.
The major expenses for the university are under the head salary to the staff, teaching materials and student’s examination expenses, running cost for Generator, Water, Vehicle, maintenance and day to day management.
The Challenge:
The Challenge before the University is how to be self-sufficient in terms of financial, technical and managerial.
I request your suggestions and opinions. Suggest how the University can run with limited external funding or no external support.
I am putting my suggestions here:
Corpus Fund: Generating fund by collecting from agencies, Government, individuals and from different sources in the form of donations or revenue. Continue collections and deposit in the bank as a fixed deposit. After 10 to 15 years the interest of the bank deposit can be used as a part of sustenance.
Research, Training and consultancy Programme: As the University has infrastructure (Rooms, Library, Bus, generator, Computer, projector) and person power for general and technical support (teaching and supporting staff) in place so the university can take up small training programmes with the help of teaching staff for Local NGOs, INGOs, Government, business people and other groups. Using their present area of expertise of the university like economics, science, health, medical, computer etc, training programmes like Micro – credit, self help group, small business / entrepreneurship, laboratory technician training, community health training, data entry operator, basic English, training for health staff, general management, human resource management etc can be organised. University can take up research and consultancy projects of Government, UN, INGOs and others to generate revenue.
Field Extension Programme: Under field extension programme University can take up development projects with the support of UN, International Donors, Government and NGOs. Separate development wing can be functional with the guidance of some teaching staff. Student’s knowledge, skill and time can be use for this. Or field work could be a part of teaching and every student should take field work as a compulsory subject.
Facility renting: University can rent its existing facility like rooms, computer, library etc for different training programmes, conference, workshop, seminar etc to outsiders.
Opening study centres: University can open study centres for International Education Institutions in the university campus.
Certificate Courses: 3 months or 6 months Certificate course on Rural Development, Business Management, Health Management, IT management, Data entry operator, etc can be introduced. Government, private and Non Government Agencies can be contacted for providing job placement of these students.
To start all these University needs to do two major things. One is equipping its staff through training, orientation or exposure to take up above tasks. Second is establishing contact with any agency or agencies to avail support to start the activities at the beginning stage.
Sarraffs (money changers) at work,Somaliland 
Camel traders, originally uploaded by CharlesFred.
This collection of essays provides a unique and insightful account of Somaliland's post-1991 reconstruction process from the perspective of Somalilanders themselves. It is the product of a collaborative research project undertaken by WSP International (formerly the War-torn Societies Project) and the Academy of Peace and Development (a local Somaliland institution) between 1999 and 2002. In accordance with WSP International's aims, Rebuilding Somaliland concentrates on analysing the specific challenges Somaliland is perceived to face in its ongoing reconstruction process. The final outcome, however, is a book that, in addition to dealing with those challenges, provides a general portrait of the secessionist north-western part of Somalia, a rare success story of post-conflict reconstruction and credited, by South African academic Iqbal Jhazbhay, as 'Africa's best kept secret'.