Ethiopia’s Dirty War
Somalis living in Ethiopia are caught in the crossfire between the government and rebels.
By Jason McLure
Newsweek Web Exclusive, Jan 22, 2008
It was early one morning in July when 400 Ethiopian soldiers came to Ridwan Hassan Zahid's village of Qorile, 120 miles southeast of Degehebur, Ethiopia, a dusty market town. The small settlement of ethnic Somalis in eastern Ethiopia was suspected of supporting separatist rebels from the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and the government troops were out to exact revenge. They took Zahid, another woman, and eight men to the nearby village of Babase, where, she says, the soldiers chased away residents and burned the village to the ground. "I became like plastic," she says. "I couldn't feel a thing."
On the third day after her capture, the soldiers divided the prisoners into groups. As the other captives looked on, soldiers hung one man from one of the parched region's few trees; another was taken out of sight. Soon it was Zahid's turn. A small group of soldiers dug a hole in the sandy ground. They forced her into it and pinned her down by pressing the barrel of an AK-47 to her throat. As she tried to choke out the words to a final Muslim prayer, she heard two other captives screaming for mercy nearby as a noose was slipped over her head. Two soldiers jerked up on the rope, lifting her out of the hole by her neck, and she lost consciousness.
In Ethiopia's Somali region, a long-simmering rebellion by the ONLF, a separatist group seeking an independent state for Ethiopia's Somalis, is boiling over. Rebels, taking advantage of chaos in neighboring Somalia, attacked a Chinese-run oil exploration site in April, killing 74 people and triggering a massive crackdown by Ethiopia's ethnic-Tigray-dominated government. Government forces have since burned villages, blocked trade routes and carried out summary executions in an effort to quell the rebellion. Nine months later Ethiopia's government appears to have gained the upper hand, but only by essentially declaring war on virtually the entire Ogadeni clan of Somalis—a group that makes up the about half of the region's 4.5 million people.
Hundreds of civilians have died in the fighting (the ONLF estimates 2,000 killed by the government in the past year, though one independent estimate suggests the figure is less than half that), and 1.8 million more may be at risk, as an Ethiopian blockade has cut off commercial food shipments from neighboring Somalia and prevented the region's nomadic people from selling their livestock. Ogadeni clan elders who have tracked the fighting say people from more than 250 villages have been forced to flee the violence.
Amid a sea of crises in neighboring Sudan, Somalia, and Kenya, the plight of Ethiopia's vast Somali region—an area twice the size of England with just 30 miles of paved highway—has been largely ignored in the West. After barring the foreign press from the region for months, the Ethiopian government recently took NEWSWEEK and a group of other foreign reporters on a tightly controlled tour of parts of the region. Amid scenes of malnourished children and whispered stories of government atrocities, the defining impression was of a population gripped by fear.
One 30-year-old man selling clothes in the marketplace in Degehebur says he came to the dusty town five months ago after Ethiopian troops burned his village of Leby, 18 miles southwest of the town. Fifty civilians were killed, he says. "At the time I had a shop, a good house," he says, refusing to give his name out of fear of government reprisal. "We are in trouble. We are caught between the Ethiopian government and the ONLF … between two guns."
Such stories, of course, are almost impossible to verify. Ethiopia has firmly denied reports of atrocities and has placed the blame on the ONLF, which it considers a terrorist organization backed by archfoe Eritrea and Islamist militias in nearby Somalia. In his last public remarks on the subject, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi told reporters in late November that he was "absolutely confident that there hasn't been any widespread violation of human rights" in the region. Reports of army atrocities amount to "baseless allegation[s] and a smear campaign against our government," says Abdullahi Hassan, the regional president of Ethiopia's Somali region. "This is our people, and we cannot abuse human rights. That has never happened and this can never happen." Speaking to reporters in the town of Gode in one of the region's more stable districts, Hassan says development in the area is on the rise, trade routes to Somalia are open, and "the situation is completely calm now." The government has "completely destroyed" the ONLF.
Most residents—interviewed in the presence of government translators—voice a similar assessment. But not all do. In a village west of Gode, at a development project where the government is trying to settle nomads on irrigated farmland, a 35-year-old man says violence in the region is continuing. "The Ethiopian government, after they fight the rebels, they often turn on us and kill women and children," he says. "We're very scared. I'm afraid speaking to you now. There's lots of spies. They're everywhere." He estimates that more than two dozen civilians are killed monthly in the area around Gode, before abruptly cutting off the interview as a crowd gathers.
A blockage of commercial traffic with neighboring Somalia has also contributed to malnutrition. The embargo, together with locusts and drought, have forced grain prices up—many Somalis say prices have doubled in the past year. The one doctor in the hospital in Gode, Zilalim Eschetu, estimates that 75 percent of the children who visit the hospital are malnourished. "It's a visible crisis," he says. Among the patients in Eschetu's malnutrition ward is two-year-old Sugah Hash, whose emaciated legs curl helplessly on her mother's lap. "We had no food for a few months, so we had to run to this hospital," says Mariam Ali, her mother.
Ethiopian government officials say the embargo was imposed to keep arms and supplies from reaching the rebels and insist that Ethiopia has lifted most trade restrictions. Human Rights Watch, however, suspects that the government has been deliberately targeting its Somali population. "There is no question that in the last eight months the Ethiopian military went on a very intensive scorched-earth campaign," says Leslie Lefkow, a researcher at Human Rights Watch who has tracked the crisis. To be sure, the ONLF has also committed atrocities in the region. Somali clan elders in the regional capital of Jijiga say the rebels have mined roads, launched grenade attacks on civilians, and stolen livestock from herders. However, analysts say the government has committed the lion's share of abuses.
Western governments don't seem to have put much pressure on Ethiopia to ease the situation. Ethiopia has been a key U.S. ally in the war on terrorism. Zenawi's government has allowed the CIA and FBI to interrogate foreign terror suspects flushed out of Somalia in secret prisons in Ethiopia, as the Associated Press first reported in April. The U.S. military has also trained Ethiopia's army and in 2006 sold $6 million in weapons to Ethiopia, according to the U.S. defense department—more than any other African country. In December, with U.S. intelligence and logistical support, Ethiopia invaded Somalia to oust an Islamist government that briefly controlled southern Somalia. Somalia has been in chaos ever since, as supporters of the former Union of Islamic Courts government have joined clan militias in battling Ethiopian troops and forces loyal to the U.N.-backed transitional government.
One Ethiopian security official says Somalia's Al Qaeda-linked Islamic militias have played a key role in fueling the ONLF insurgency in Ethiopia, providing funding and arms to the rebels. A spokesman for the ONLF denies any such connection, and Western diplomats say it's unclear whether the two insurgencies are connected.
Via the United Nations, the United States been providing food aid for the Somali region, but privately international aid officials say the assistance isn't reaching the worst-affected areas. They have good reason to be discreet: earlier this year Ethiopia expelled the International Committee of the Red Cross from the Somali region, accusing both the country's expatriate and Ethiopian staff of funneling support to the ONLF.
The U.N. has also been tight-lipped about troubles in the Ogaden. In September it sent a secret assessment of the human rights situation in the region to the Ethiopian government and called for a wider probe of alleged atrocities. Nearly five months later, says Frej Fenniche, a spokesman for the U.N.'s High Commission on Human Rights, "we are waiting for the answer from the government."
Meanwhile, the ONLF, fuelled by money from Ethiopian Somalis living in the United States and Britain, vows to continue its guerrilla fight by launching surprise attacks on Ethiopian troops and then melting back in to the region's nomadic communities. "It's a cat-and-mouse game," says Abdi Rahman Mahdi, a rebel spokesman.
As recently as last week, Mahdi says, Ethiopian forces burned a village southeast of Degehebur. Verification of his claim is difficult given the region's scant communication links and travel restrictions. But in Ethiopia's capital, Addis Ababa, hundreds of miles to the west of the fighting, Ethiopia's dirty war is barely visible. The lone state-run television agency shows only Potemkin-like pictures of development projects in the Somali region, and the country's tightly restricted private newspapers are effectively prevented from reporting on the situation.
The conflict has been visible enough for Ridwan Hassan Zahid, who miraculously survived her would-be executioners. Left for dead, she was found the next day by Somalis from a nearby village who came to bury the corpses. The other nine were not so lucky. Some had been hung from trees, others hung over holes in the ground like Zahid. Some of the men had been stripped naked and their tongues had been cut out.
Zahid hid in the countryside for three days, but eventually she was told the army had learned she was still alive and was searching for her. Then began a two-week odyssey on foot, camel, and finally by truck to safety in a neighboring country, which she asked NEWSWEEK not to disclose.
She complains that her neck still pains her and she can't use her right hand. "We never had links to the ONLF," she says of her fellow captives.
"I am worrying still," Zahid says. "When I sleep at nights I have dreams."
For those caught in the middle of Ethiopia's dirty war, even sleep, it seems, is no respite.
URL:
http://www.newsweek.com/id/98033© 2008 Newsweek.com
United Nations S/PRST/2007/49, 19 December 2007
Statement by the President of the Security Council
At the 5812th meeting of the Security Council, held on 19 December 2007, in connection with the Council’s consideration of the item entitled “The situation in Somalia”, the President of the Security Council made the following statement on behalf of the Council:
“The Security Council welcomes the briefing it received on 17 December 2007 from the Secretary-General’s Special Representative (SRSG) for Somalia, Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, in which he made proposals on the political and security fronts and called on the international community to commit itself to a clear course of action. The Security Council looks forward to hearing more details on the SRSG’s proposals. The Security Council strongly supports the efforts of the SRSG to work towards lasting peace and stability in Somalia.
“The Security Council reaffirms its respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and unity of Somalia.
“The Security Council welcomes the appointment of the new Prime Minister of Somalia, and looks forward to the early establishment of an effective government. The appointment of Nur Hassan Hussein offers a renewed opportunity to make further progress on dialogue and political
reconciliation, on addressing the humanitarian crisis in Somalia, and on implementing the outcomes of the National Reconciliation Congress, leading to a roadmap for the remainder of the Transitional Period and democratic elections in Somalia, as set out in the Transitional Federal Charter. The Security Council urges all Somali parties to reject violence and, with the support of the SRSG, to enter into a substantial dialogue aimed at achieving a full and all-inclusive national reconciliation.
“The Security Council also welcomes the briefing on 6 December 2007 by the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Co-ordinator, John Holmes, which included an account of his visit to Somalia. The Security Council expresses its deep concern at the deteriorating humanitarian situation, aggravated by the prevailing security conditions in Somalia, and emphasizes again the need for strengthened efforts to provide humanitarian relief assistance to Somalia. The Security Council demands that all parties in Somalia ensure unfettered access for all humanitarian assistance to vulnerable populations, fulfil their responsibilities and obligations under S/PRST/2007/49 international humanitarian law, and take the necessary measures to protect civilians.
“The Security Council reiterates its strong support for the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM), calls on all Somali parties to co-operate fully with it, urges again the international community to provide financial resources, personnel, equipment and services for the full deployment of AMISOM, and repeats its request that the Secretary-General consult with the African Union Commission on what further support might be provided to AMISOM.
“The Security Council also reiterates its request that the Secretary-General develop the existing contingency plans for the possible deployment of a United Nations peacekeeping operation to succeed AMISOM, as set out in resolution 1772 (2007). The Security Council requests the Secretary-General to report by 8 February 2008 on progress made in this regard.”
http://www.unhcr.org/cgi-bin/texis/vtx/refworld/rwmain?docid=4774f9e62
BBC, 6 December 2007
Living in Somalia's danger zone
By Mohamed Olad Hassan
The once-bustling streets of Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, are now eerily empty. The southern neighbourhoods are littered with the scars of recent fighting between the insurgents and Ethiopian-backed forces of the transitional government.
Ethiopian tanks have taken up positions outside the houses of the hundreds of thousands of residents who have fled the city - estimated to be 60% of the city's population.
Forty-two-year-old Shamsa Nur Ali was one of those who could stand it no longer.
This Mogadishu street used to be full of activity Towards the end of last month she sought refuge with her children and her aged mother in Daynile, on the southern outskirts of Mogadishu.
The family of six now lives under a tree where they depend on relatives nearby - also displaced by the violence - and are lucky to get one meal a day.
Before their departure, the family had considered itself fortunate as Mrs Nur's husband had a wheelbarrow and could earn an income from transporting goods for people in the market. "We are suffering enough. No shelter, no food and no hope," says Mrs Nur.
"Plus there is the fear that the fighting could spread here and drive us away again."
Malnutrition
Her husband, Mohamed Issaq, finds the situation equally depressing. "I am not comfortable about it, but there is nothing I can do," he says.
"Sometimes the food runs out and sometimes the agencies do not come" - Fadumo Khalif, Displaced Mogadishu resident.
"There is no work and it is too dangerous to go back to market."
Other Mogadishu families have trekked to the neighbouring provinces of Middle and Lower Shabelle - the area was once the country's breadbasket - for safety.
But the region has been hit by floods and drought.
Prices of basic goods have shot up, meaning many Somalis cannot afford to buy food, leading to widespread malnutrition.
Aid workers estimate that 100,000 displaced people are now living in the villages between Mogadishu and Afgoye, along the road that links the capital to the south.
Both local and international aid agencies are doing their best to help.
Destitute
They hand out plastic sheets to make improvised shelters and have organised the distribution of what food and water supplies are available.
Shamsa Nur Ali (l) fears the fighting could resume any day. They admit it is not enough.
Every morning destitute Somalis line up in their thousands to receive a handout of corn, beans and oil.
"We sometimes line up for food early in the morning and go back to our children at sunset empty-handed," complains Fadumo Khalif, a 26-year-old pregnant mother, with a baby strapped to her back. "Sometimes the food runs out and sometimes the agencies do not come."
Fear and mistrust
Both the federal government and the regional authorities have called for people to return to their homes but no-one heeds these calls because they say "the troops are still sitting in front of our homes".
Rumours abound, reinforcing their terror - some say the Ethiopian soldiers deliberately shot civilians as they tried to run away from the fighting.
"Our only hope lies in the new prime minister taking steps towards peace" - Mustafa Aden, Mogadishu resident
Others say that in the city streets that became battlefields more than 50 civilians were found dead, some beheaded.
Islamist insurgents melt into the community, from where they carry out random attacks on the Ethiopians, who they see as an occupying force.
"If outnumbered they went into hiding as before, regrouping when the security operations lessen," says Mogadishu resident Jama Abdulahi.
"The only solution lies in peaceful negotiations.
Haji Hassan Abukar, 65, believes that "all respect for human life has been lost". "I never fled from my house in the last 16 years... but this time I felt unsafe because even old people like me were killed," he says.
Endless cycle
Many residents were trapped for long periods in their homes, fearing they would be shot if they emerged.
The Ethiopian troops are not popular in Somalia
"We could not even go out to buy food, there was no water, we were left with no safe place to go," Abdi Aden told the BBC by telephone.
For many, the newly appointed prime minister, Nur Hassan Hussein, also known as Nur Adde, brings a glimmer of hope that this endless cycle of violence can be ended.
Mr Nur has been the head of the Somali Red Crescent for many years and is seen as untainted by political affiliation. "Our only hope lies in the new prime minister taking steps towards peace," says another Mogadishu resident, Mustafa Aden.
"If he supports peaceful dialogue, I hope things will be sorted out."
Like Mr Aden, other residents say the only resolution to the humanitarian crisis is to put an end to the violence that has forced so many to run for their lives.
But for that, Mr Nur has to build a consensus, reach out to the opposition and give all the Somali factions a perspective that does not involve looking down a gun barrel.
At school in Somalia
In Somalia, over a decade of conflict has meant two generations of young people missing out on education - with devastating consequences for development. Yet 1,150 primary schools are now up and running with new books and a national curriculum. Brigid McConville reports.
Somalia is one of the toughest places in the world to be a child. But on one issue there is clear consensus: Somali communities desperately want their children to go to school - and that means girls as well as boys. Take Habare Village, some 25 kilometres from the southern town of Baidoa. Militias have burnt it to the ground three times since the Siad Barre government collapsed in 1991. But recently its people have again rebuilt their elegant wooden houses, and now they are rebuilding their school - out of stone, so that it will last.
"There is no government to take care of schooling here, " says the village chief, Biadir Sheikh Banani, "so we must do it. By giving our children education they have an alternative to joining the militias or becoming addicted to qat" (the narcotic leaf chewed by the majority of Somali men).
Until the new building is finished, the pupils of Habare school sit under a spreading tamarind tree. Not all can attend at once, but around 100 attend the morning shift from 10am to 3 pm. Most have already worked in the fields for hours.
Another hundred are still working, and will come later for the afternoon shift. Then, in the evening, a group of 42 mothers will gather in the same place for basic literacy lessons.
Sayeeda Hussein is chair of Habare village women's committee, the local midwife and mother of four children. "We support the teachers by doing the work on their fields while they are teaching, and by contributing food," she says. "I belong to the literacy class; we are taught under the same tree by our only woman teacher. I want to be an educated woman, and I want my sons and daughters to go to university. They don't like even to be slightly late for school!"
This immense enthusiasm for education has been fuelled by the arrival of new UNICEF textbooks, illustrated, in colour and including pictures of girls - all drawn from daily life in Somalia. "The children are so pleased with their books that they wanted to take them home to show their parents", says headteacher Omar Isac Hussein. "But we are keeping them here because they have to last."
The four volunteer teachers at Habare have also been to a 20-day teacher training session with UNICEF, where they learned a new philosophy of teaching which dovetails with the modern texts. "Our old method was to write on the blackboard and the children would repeat our words," says Omar. "Now we work in groups, encouraging participation from the children. This helps them to think and learn more easily and they are more motivated."
Gone too is the traditional reliance on the stick. There is no shouting or hitting here. "Children learn much better when they feel happy, free and are enjoying themselves," says Omar.
But one thing is immediately obvious in this primary school (and characteristic of Somalia); boys vastly outnumber girls in the senior grades. Of the 200 odd pupils enrolled, half are girls, but above grade four there are none. "Most girls here get married at about 15," explains Biadir.
Also striking is the mix of ages. In grade two, the youngest pupils are aged six; the eldest is 25 and breastfeeding her baby. Their teacher is 17, and when her baby is born in a few months time she too will bring it to school. No one here wants to miss out on this chance for a better future. "They can loot a village, they can kill our goats and camels, " says Sayeeda Hussien, "but they can't take away our education."
Brigid McConville is a prize-winning journalist and author who specialises in development issues.
Who runs the schools?
Community ownership
Community Education Committees (CECs) have been trained by UNICEF to manage and finance their own schools (for the six to fourteen age group) across Somalia.
In relatively peaceful Somaliland, the self-declared republic in the north west of Somalia, there is a Ministry of Education, but the volunteer CECs are nonetheless crucial. Mohammed Kofal Aden is Chairman of the (four man, two women) CEC at Sheikh Ali Osman School in Hargeisa, Somaliland:
"We ask parents to contribute; they pay half the teachers' salaries of $35 a month and our government pays the rest. Some families are too poor, so we ask others to pay more. We collected $3 extra to improve the school and all paid. We have repaired the tables and chairs and installed electricity. But we need four more classrooms."
"I was selected as I am an 'elder' and much involved in my community," he says. "I used to be a livestock trader, but I lost all that in the war and now have a small shop. As a CEC we meet once a week and communicate the needs of our school community to agencies and the (Somaliland) government. We also settle problems within the school, such as fights between children. One boy was injured while playing and we took him to hospital and collected funds from the community to pay for his treatment."
Regional Education Committees oversee the bigger picture, while UNICEF has trained 86 (paid) School Supervisors to report to them.
Subir Sheikh Abdi is a School Supervisor, and deputy chairman of Bay Region Education Committee "For our schools to be sustainable, the community must contribute," he says. "As a Supervisor, I organise and mobilise the community, encouraging CECs to collect donations from parents, to supervise discipline and to improve the teaching environment. I also distribute UNICEF education kits (which include basic materials such as books and pencils, blackboards and chalks), and I collect data on gender, attendance and enrolment."
Batula Hussein Sheikh is the only woman on the same Education Committee and a Supervisor of 14 primary schools in Berdale District. "As a Supervisor, I check that teachers are attending and that their quality of teaching is good," she says. "Half of our teachers are absent from school; they have no salaries so they have to work in the fields to get food. But they take it in turns so there is always a teacher - although some are teaching three classes at once.
"I also check children's attendance and annual exam results. Only half of enrolled children are going to school. Some have no fathers so they have to work; sometimes they have malaria or cholera. About 70% of the children succeed and move on to a higher grade; the others can repeat the exams. I also invite parents to meetings and encourage them to build up their schools."
Educating girls in Somalia
Batula Hussein is one of the few women head teachers in Somalia. She is also the only woman on the Bay Region Education Committee and a School Supervisor. Her life - as well as her work - reflects the difficulties faced by girls in Somalia, and their determination to bring change.
"I went to school, but was expected to get married and stay at home. Before the civil war, parents in Somalia used to tell their daughters - 'go to the fields or do domestic work; there is no point in going to school as you will soon get married. Even now we have big problems because men don't respect girls and women who go to school. Many fathers and husbands still oppose it.
"After the civil war, women needed to make a living because the men had died or fled the killing. We carried on as heads of the household, working as nurses, running shops and businesses. It is a practical necessity. Now we have seen that there is nothing women cannot do, so our people are sending girls to school. They know that if only the man is working, that is no longer enough.
"If men have work, when they get paid, they buy mira (as qat is termed in this part of Somalia) and don't bring any money home. If a woman works, she will buy everything her family needs - but not mira. So it is better that girls are educated so they can have jobs and cover their family's needs.
"If her husband chews, she can marry another one or be independent.
"Since the war, everyone knows you can make something of your life if you go to school, and parents are sending their girls because the boys will chew mira and join the militias, but girls are kind and will support their parents."
Since Batula became head teacher of her primary school of 450 pupils, the number of girls has doubled, because she says, "they can talk to me about their problems. Some have parents who plan to marry their daughters off when they are 14 or 15. When families are very poor the bride price of up to $500 or a few camels or cows is important. I tell the parents that instead of getting that money now they should let her finish her education. Then she will get a job and there will be more income. I am usually successful in stopping these early marriages.
"Girls also have pain and miss school when they get their periods because of FGM. I tell parents not to infibulate girls, but to do sunna (a less drastic procedure) instead. Rural families still do infibulation, but wherever there is an MCH (health centre), or NGOs working for women, things are changing fast."
Batula is a strong woman, but she says "on our Education Committee the men hold special meetings and don't tell me. I get the information and run after them! At meetings I speak out strongly; I discuss with elders and the community. I miscarried my last baby because I knew I must never stop my work or the men would push me out."
School report: achievements of unicef and partners
Baseline Studies
When the government collapsed in 1991, so did the education system:
- By 1990, most primary schools had closed down;
- In the 'brain drain' of the '90s, many qualified Somalis left the country
- By 2001, only 22% of men and 12% of women were literate
UNICEF 's current education programme in Somalia was born in 1997, a time of continuing emergency when only 600 schools were functioning. These kept going against enormous odds, often with missing roofs, dilapidated buildings, untrained, poorly educated teachers and a handful of outdated textbooks.
There was no national curriculum; some schools followed the Saudi system, others the English or Somali systems. The teaching style was old-fashioned 'chalk and talk', backed up by the stick. A third of classroom time was wasted, with some teachers simply not knowing what to do. Only a quarter of pupils were girls, mostly in the lowest primary grades.
In a country without a government to collect taxes, UNICEF's aim - as part of the Somalia Aid Co-ordinating Body (SACB) - was a sustainable education system with community owned schools. Teacher trainers and School Supervisors (formerly Inspectors) were recruited and trained, while a CEC Training Manual and a manual for CECs , 'Children's Rights', were also produced.
Standardisation - of training, curriculum, texts and school premises - was crucial not only in education terms, but to avoid recurring costs. Major investment was committed to rehabilitating school buildings, restoring water supplies and installing latrines. But many of the old buildings were dark and unventilated, so UNICEF has created a replicable model for schools, with minimum standards of air and light, which can be used by all communities with local building materials.
In 1997, UNICEF began an annual school survey to collect essential data. Vital to this was the development of an Education Management Information System (EMIS), which introduced a Pupil Card (rather like a medical record card), together with school and class registers.
Meanwhile UNICEF has also established a Non Formal Education programme for young people who have missed out on school altogether. The new (NFE) textbooks - in business, science and maths - simultaneously teach life skills and focus on issues such as FGM, HIV/AIDS, child rights and gender.
Sports, leisure and recreation are a vital part of this programme for young people, many of whom otherwise have nothing to look forward to.By the end of 2002, 400 youth groups will be up and running (there are 150 at time of writing). Further vocational education, library resources and psycho-social care for war damaged young people are in the pipeline.
The process of establishing a national curriculum with child-friendly, gender sensitive text books was fraught with difficulty. Some forty Somali educationalists wrote the books during a roving consultation process which was punctuated by clan rivalries and anxieties about maintaining Islamic traditions.
"Every picture of every girl was disputed," says UNICEF's Geeta Verma. "Should girls appear at the front of the class, or eating - even playing - with boys? It took three years, but we covered four grades in six subjects - maths, science, social studies, Somali, Arabic language and Islamic studies."
And then a shipload of books bound for Mogadishu unexpectedly docked at Merka where its highly valued merchandise was looted and put on sale for £1 a book in the market. NGO and UN staff bought them back.
There are now over 1,000 schools up and running across Somalia, with new books, a national curriculum and teachers trained in how to deliver it. "If we were able to expand access we would see a quantum jump in education," argues UNICEF's Geeta Verma. "So rather than fretting about Al Qaeda and Koranic education, let's get on with it...
Student record
Today, a modest public education system is supported by communities, foreign donors and in Somaliland, the administration. It runs parallel to Koranic schools and private colleges offering Koranic education, language, computer skills and business courses.
UNICEF has provided:
- new Somali lower primary school curriculum, with syllabus and textbooks, in six subjects.
- 6,050 teachers have been provided with 20 days training.
- 1105 primary schools are operational, an increase of 29% since 2000/1.
- 261,030 students are enrolled, a 28% increase over the same period.
In all zones of Somalia, enrolment is steadily growing.
- An Education Management Information system (EMIS) is established, providing data which is aggregated by software.
- Gender issues are integrated into all resources, materials and training programmes.
- Resources are being developed to reach nomadic children.
- Non Formal Education in numeracy, literacy, science, social studies and life skills is up and running.
Gender related disparities remain a major concern:
- Only 35% of students in grades 1-8 are girls.
- Only 29% of girls reach the higher primary grades.
- Only 12% of teachers are women
- Only 23% of CEC members are women.
Education for all?
One of the UN's Millennium Development Goals is to ensure a primary school education for all the world's children by 2015. The World Bank currently estimates that 88 countries will not meet the deadline.
Girls' education is vital
Of some 120 million children not in school, 53% are girls
Gender gaps are even larger in secondary school than in primary school
This disadvantage multiplies the other disadvantages disproportionately suffered by girls and women, such as poverty, malnutrition and vulnerability to HIV/AIDS.
What are the benefits of education for girls?
- A right fulfilled
- Prospects for a better income
- Later marriage and reduced fertility
- Reduced infant mortality
- Better nourished and healthier children
- More opportunities and choice for women
- Increased participation of women in development and in political and economic decision-making.(Source: UNICEF, State of the World's Children 2002 We the Children)
"Somali communities desperately want their children to go to school - and that means girls as well as boys."
Remarks by Dr. David Shinn to the Somali Conference in Columbus, Ohio
By David H. Shinn
April 21, 2007
--Let me be clear on one point. I don’t speak for the US government.
Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Jim Swan ably performed that responsibility.
--Speaking as a private individual, I look at Somalia from the standpoint of what I believe is best for US policy based on my understanding of US interests.
--In my view, US interests are:
--the establishment of a stable and peaceful Somalia with a widely accepted national government that re-establishes the rule of law and a functioning economy;
--the minimizing or elimination of humanitarian disasters; and
--successfully countering extremism and terrorism that emanates from Somalia.
--I do not necessarily view challenges in Somalia the same way Somalis, Ethiopians, or others in the region see the problem and the solutions.
--My analysis is based on the following assumptions:
--The Transitional Federal Government (TFG) is the only Somali government recognized by the UN, African Union, Arab League, and international community generally.
--It is important to help the TFG succeed so long as it is willing to become more inclusive than it has become so far.
--The TFG is weak, not as representative as it should be, and is highly dependent on the presence of Ethiopian troops for its survival.
--No Somali government will succeed unless it represents all significant parts of Somali society.
--From my independent American perspective, the only elements that should be excluded from a Somali national government are those:
--that urge war or support terrorist acts against neighboring countries;
--have indisputable links with international terrorism or criminal
organizations; and
--hold views so extreme that they will prevent a national government from functioning successfully and peacefully.
--Other assumptions I make are:
--Islam is an essential component of Somali society and political Islam has probably become a permanent feature of Somali politics.
--The US and the West must learn to live with this situation and even be
supportive so long as Somali Islam seeks to deal with problems peacefully.
--Somali Islam has a long tradition of moderation and in spite of some recent radicalization among a small minority, usually supported by outside interests, this continues to be the case.
--The oft-postponed national reconciliation conference, now scheduled for July 14, will probably not end Somalia’s internal conflict. It is occurring too late, is too unwieldy, and seems destined to exclude key individuals and Somali groups.
--An 8,000 member African peacekeeping force is incapable of maintaining order in Somalia unless there is first a political agreement accepted by all the major Somali clans and political interest groups.
--Although the Ethiopian military force is the only one in Mogadishu today capable of maintaining a semblance of order, it is important that it leave soon, which Ethiopia probably would like to do. The longer Ethiopian forces stay in Somalia, the greater will be the animosity between Somalis and Ethiopians.
--This poses a short-term dilemma. If Ethiopian troops leave immediately, there is no group capable of maintaining order in Mogadishu. A compromise solution may be the establishment of a timetable for the complete withdrawal of Ethiopian forces from Somalia.
--But as long as foreign forces from any country remain in Somalia contrary to the wishes of many Somalis, it will be virtually impossible to achieve long-term peace.
--This assumption even applies to an African peacekeeping force unless there is a Somali political settlement and a request from a widely supported Somali government that an African peacekeeping force should remain until Somalia is able to reconstitute a
national security force.
--There have been two major missed opportunities over the past year.
--First, following an initial, useful meeting in Khartoum last summer, the Islamic Courts failed to engage the Transitional Federal Government in serious power sharing talks. The Islamic Courts concluded that they were in a strong position and saw no reason to allow the TFG to play any role in governing the country. The Arab League and its individual
members were in a position to use their leverage with the Islamic Courts to encourage serious power sharing. They failed to do so.
--Second, the TFG, with Ethiopian military support, pushed the Islamic Courts militia last December and January to the Kenya-Somalia border. Following a few positive efforts to reach out to groups or individuals that were not part of the TFG, it failed to engage moderates in the Islamic Courts and certain sub-sub-clan leaders in Mogadishu in serious
power sharing talks. The TFG, supported by Ethiopia, concluded that it was in a strong position and decided there was no need to reach out to anyone other than those who were sympathetic to its agenda. In this case, the African Union and Western countries including the US, were in a position to use their leverage with the TFG to encourage serious power sharing. They failed to do so.
--So what is the solution now?
--The TFG needs to reach out immediately to business persons, civil society and women’s groups. It particularly must engage disaffected moderates, including some that it now considers its enemy, in an effort to bring them and their supporters and followers into the political process and even be made part of the government itself.
--This includes individuals like Sherif Hassen Sheikh Aden, former speaker of the Somali Transitional Federal Parliament, Sheikh Sherif Sheikh Ahmed, former Chairman of the Executive Council of the Union of Islamic Courts, and Hussein Aideed, who apparently still holds the title of TFG Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Public Works and Housing, although he has broken with the TFG leadership and has minimal
popular support.
--It is much too late to expect the crisis can be ended through elusive political dialogue (the favorite term of the international community) and a 3,000 member national reconciliation conference, which keeps being postponed. Real power-sharing is required immediately.
--The political positions of the opponents to the TFG seem to be hardening with each passing day.
--It may already be too late to convince both the TFG and moderate leaders who oppose the TFG to come together to create a national structure that will be acceptable to most Somalis.
--Nevertheless, it is essential to try. I do not see a better alternative.
--If the TFG offers to engage in serious power sharing talks with these persons and groups and they refuse to participate, then it is up to organizations like the Arab League and its members, in addition to Eritrea which has been encouraging opposition to the TFG, to insist that they meet with the TFG.
--Somali political and clan leaders who support the TFG and those who oppose it must put aside their personal ambitions for power and show greater willingness to make political compromises in the name of national unity. The history in recent decades of Somali leaders suggests that they are preoccupied with personal gain and a desire to hold power while paying scant attention to what is right for Somalia.
--Each day that fails to achieve progress on the political front, increases the prospects for more violence and another humanitarian disaster resulting in more internally displaced Somalis and more refugees.
--Already, more than 200,000 Somalis have fled Mogadishu and many of them are not receiving any international assistance.
--The international community should continue to do what it can to provide humanitarian assistance irrespective of Somali political developments. The US has been especially responsive to these needs since the early 1990s.
--International support for the TFG should be contingent on immediate and tangible steps by the TFG to broaden the base of its government.
--The conference organizers asked me to comment in more detail on the role of the African Union in Somalia.
--While I commend the African Union for trying to help bring stability to Somalia, I am not convinced it is pursuing a plan that will achieve this goal.
--There are currently only about 1,400 Ugandan peacekeeping troops in Somalia out of a projected African Union force of 8,000.
--The Ugandans do not have a clear mandate and, I suspect, are very frustrated with their situation.
--They seem to have worked out an arrangement with Somali clan leaders in Mogadishu that they will not try to disarm or engage Somalis if Somalis do not attack them.
--Under the circumstances, this is a reasonable solution to their dilemma. But it also raises the question why they are there.
--Although other African countries have committed troops to the operation, they are in no hurry to send them.
--In view of considerable Somali opposition to the force and the lack of a clear mandate, this is no surprise.
--As I noted earlier, I do not believe a force of 8,000 troops is capable of maintaining order in the hostile political environment in Mogadishu.
--For that matter, I don’t believe 18,000 or even 28,000 is an adequate number.
--No number is adequate unless all significant Somali factions agree that a force from the African Union is in their interest. Only then does a peacekeeping force make sense.
--It is important to revisit the lessons of the American-led United Task Force (UNITAF) that began in late 1992 and ended in May 1993 and the UN Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM II) that went from May 1993 until the spring of 1995.
--Until it is clear what the African Union peacekeeping mission is expected to accomplish and there is widespread acceptance by Somalis for its presence, the effort seems doomed to failure.
--It will not work if it is perceived primarily as a force to keep in power a TFG that fails to broaden its base contrary to the wishes of significant numbers of Somalis.
--At the same time, the African Union force must be strong enough to counter forcefully small groups of extremist spoilers who want to take Somalia in a direction that the vast majority of Somalis do not want to go.
--These groups include the Shabaab militia that operated during the period of the Islamic Courts and new groups that are springing up on Somali websites such as the Popular Resistance Movement in the Land of the Two Migrations. There is no place in Somalia for such extremist organizations.
--The African Union needs to rethink this operation and, together with the European Union, Arab League and the US, insist that the TFG broaden its government and base of political support so that the peacekeeping operation has a clear mandate, the support of most Somalis, and, hence, a chance of success.
--Finally, I want to make a brief comment on Somaliland, which unilaterally declared its independence in 1991. This is not the time to bring Somaliland into the discussion. It is necessary first for Somalis in former Italian Somalia to put their house in order. When this is accomplished, then Somalis in former Italian Somalia and former British
Somaliland can sit down and discuss their relationship. For the time being, the issues are sufficiently complicated that there is nothing to be gained by adding Somaliland to the table.
--I am sure everyone in this room disagrees with some of what I have said and some of you may disagree with all of it, but I hope it leads to a constructive discussion of the issues.
--Nevertheless, thank you for inviting me to Columbus.
Mr. David Shinn is a former Ambassador of United State to Ethiopia.
http://www.tisjd.net/Remarks%20by%20David%20Shinn%20at%20Columbus%20ohio.pdf
Somalia: Better Off under Islamic Courts?
By David Axe September 26, 2007
"Somalia was named and shamed Tuesday as the worst-governed country in sub-Saharan Africa in a survey of political performance across the continent," AFP reports:
The inaugural annual Ibrahim Index of African Governance, published by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, ranks 48 countries against 58 individual measures. The foundation uses those measures to rank countries on five factors: safety and security; rule of law, transparency and corruption; participation and human rights; sustainable economic opportunity; and human development. The bottom five were Guinea-Bissau (42.7), Sudan (40.0), Chad (38.8), the Democratic Republic of Congo (38.6) and Somalia (28.1).
Somalia's problems? A lot like Iraq's, in fact: a growing Islamic insurgency and a government that lacks consensus. With Mogadishu still wracked by violence 10 months after the fall of the hardline Islamic Courts regime, some observers wonder if the country wasn't better off under the extremists. One pro-Courts news service touted (
http://kavkazcenter.com/eng/content/2006/11/02/6223.shtml)the benefits of security just a month before the U.S.-backed Ethiopian invasion (
http://warisboring.com/?p=27)that toppled the Islamic government:
"A prevailing sense of peace and security felt in many parts of the once lawless Somalia since the rise of the Supreme Islamic Council of Somalia (SICS) is increasingly attracting foreign investors back to the Horn of African country. ... [F]oreign investors are able to move in the Mogadishu streets without the help of gunmen. The SICS has also re-opened Mogadishu's port and airport, where a "Let us build Somalia together" sign hangs high. Both had been closed for over a decade. Since the SICS started issuing visas, flights to and from Kenya and Dubai have been full of curious investors and returning refugees.
"The best antidote to terrorism, according to Horn of Africa analysts, is stability in Somalia, which the Islamic Courts had provided," according to one Nairobi paper (
http://allafrica.com/stories/200709070199.html):
As in other Muslim-Western conflicts, the world undoubtedly needs to engage with the Islamists to secure peace. ... The objective for the United States ... is simply to prevent Somalia from being an unwilling haven for terrorist groups linked to Al-Qaeda. To pursue that objective, the United States is handicapped by the fact that state authority is limited to only portions of the country. The United States has everything to gain from the formation of a broad-based all inclusive government and a stable Somalia.
But that means negotiating with extremists. And we don't do that, do we?
http://blog.wired.com/defense/2007/09/somalia-better-.html
Am J Public Health. 2004 April; 94(4): 591–598.
Somali and Oromo Refugees: Correlates of Torture and Trauma History
James M. Jaranson, MD,
Abstract
Objectives. This cross-sectional, community-based, epidemiological study characterized Somali and Ethiopian (Oromo) refugees in Minnesota to determine torture prevalence and associated problems.
Methods. A comprehensive questionnaire was developed, then administered by trained ethnic interviewers to a nonprobability sample of 1134. Measures assessed torture techniques; traumatic events; and social, physical, and psychological problems, including posttraumatic stress symptoms.
Results. Torture prevalence ranged from 25% to 69% by ethnicity and gender, higher than usually reported. Unexpectedly, women were tortured as often as men. Torture survivors had more health problems, including posttraumatic stress.
Conclusions. This study highlights the need to recognize torture in African refugees, especially women, identify indicators of posttraumatic stress in torture survivors, and provide additional resources to care for tortured refugees.
http://www.pubmedcentral.nih.gov/picrender.fcgi?artid=1448304&blobtype=pdf
"Somali Immigrant Settlement in Small Midwestern U.S. Communities: The Case of Barron, Wis.," was published as a chapter in From Mogadishu to Dixon: The Somali Diaspora in a Global Context, Abdi Kusow and Stephanie Bjørk, eds. (Lawrenceville, N.J.: Africa World Press/The Red Sea Press, 2007).
ABSTRACT
Thousands of Somali refugees have settled in the Twin Cities since Somalia's civil war erupted in 1991. Minneapolis-St. Paul has become the de facto "capital" of the Somali community in North America. Somalis have arrived directly from refugee camps, or in secondary migrations from other U.S. cities, drawn by an attractive urban job market and refugee service agencies. More recently, many Twin Cities Somalis have begun to settle in smaller cities and towns around southern Minnesota and western Wisconsin, in a classic case of hierarchical diffusion of an immigrant community. They have been drawn by meat processing plants (and other industries that do not require advanced English language skills) in small Minnesota cities such as Rochester, Saint Cloud, Owatonna, and Marshall, and the Wisconsin towns of Barron and Hudson. Much like Mexican and Central American meatpackers before them, Somalis have faced racism and cultural gaps in previously monoethnic rural towns. However, these gap are exacerbated by religious differences, and a negative focus on Somali Muslim immigrants after the release of "Black Hawk Down" and September 11. The study will use datasets and interviews to trace the migrations of refugees from Somalia to the rural Midwest, and contrast their experiences to urban Somali immigrants. It will also compare the policies of rural communities toward Somalis, and examine how class, gender, age and clan differences among Somalis affected their urban-to-rural migration.
http://academic.evergreen.edu/g/grossmaz/SomalisMidwest.doc
Somali Refugee Women Speak Out About Their Needs for Care During Pregnancy and Delivery
Nathaly Herrel,
More than half of all Somali refugees in the United States live in Minnesota. To obtain information to develop culturally sensitive health education materials, we conducted two focus groups with 14 Somali women who had each given birth to one child in Minnesota. Overall, women thought that their childbirth experience was positive. They also reported racial stereotyping, apprehension of cesarean births, and concern about the competence of medical interpreters. Women wanted more information about events in the delivery room, pain medications, prenatal visits, interpreters, and roles of hospital staff. The most desirable educational formats were a videotape, audiotapes, printed materials, and birth center tours. To increase their attendance at prenatal appointments, participants said they needed reminder telephone calls, transportation,
and childcare. J Midwifery Womens Health 2004;49:345–349 © 2004 by the American College of
Nurse-Midwives.
http://www.mihv.nonprofitoffice.com/vertical/Sites/%7B39D93924-66F7-4895-89B2-CF36165444EF%7D/uploads/%7BABF66E9F-730C-46F9-B4A8-8D4A596A1250%7D.PDF
Peace Negotiations: Somali Women – the Missing and Resourceful Agents
Shukria Dini 1
It is a great pleasure for me to be participating in this forum. I thank the organizers and sponsors, particularly Mr. Roy Cullen (MP) who worked very hard to make this forum possible. I hope that there will be more opportunities such as this, beyond Toronto, to discuss the multi-dimensional solutions to Somalia's problems. The tragedies of war-torn Somalia cannot be addressed in a one-day forum. However, I would like to emphasize the importance of this meeting as it provides the Somali diaspora a much-needed space to come together, exchange ideas and strategize around solutions that will help to bring a sustainable and successful resolution to the difficulties facing my homeland.
Introduction
I chose this topic for many reasons. As a woman, as an internally displaced person who became a refugee and as a Somali who has experienced the civil war in my country, it was evident to me that women were often denied a place in public discussions, particularly when they dealt with conflict resolution at the local level. In efforts to resolve conflict in the Somali town where we sought refuge, I remember how women cooked and cleaned as the men “mediated.” Some women showed an interest in being part of the discussions, since they also felt the impact of the conflict between the two belligerent groups. However, women were told that they are not equipped to propose solutions to the problems.
Gender bias and gender inequality are still prevalent in our post-war society – and continue to affect the contribution of women in finding a sustainable peace for Somalia.
1 Shukria Dini came to Canada in 1993 as a refugee from Somalia. She has a BA in Political Science from the University of Winnipeg, Manitoba, and an MA in International Development Studies from Saint Mary’s University in Halifax, Nova Scotia. She is currently a second-year PhD candidate in Women’s Studies at the School of Women’s Studies, York University, Toronto. She can be reached by email: sdini@yorku.ca.
As someone who personally experienced the brutal war that destroyed my homeland, I would like to share with you briefly the active role which women played in the Somali civil war. Somali women were not passive as is often portrayed – they participated the war in various ways, supporting their clans by going to war with them, cooking, cleaning, nursing, or even spying on “the enemy”. Some women who did not physically participate in the war, used their artistic expressions to support their clans, through war songs and poems to encourage and boost morale. In the early days of the war, I remember one afternoon when armed men and women came to our home to loot whatever they could find. Men looted the cars and heavy objects, while the women walked away with jewellery and clothing. Some of the women searched for us and took some of the jewellery we were wearing. I am telling you this, to explain that women were actively involved in the war, participating for various reasons, whether by choice or by force. I believe we need to recognize the active agency of women in war-time, as well as their important potential contributions to peace-building and the rebuilding of a new, peaceful, Somalia.
I strongly believe that many Somalis, including all who are here today, want to see peace in Somalia. But peace means different things to different people. Some of us simply want to rebuild the political structure of Somalia, others focus upon the economic and security aspects, while others want to address social concerns as a way of finding durable solutions to Somalia’s problems. Martin Luther King Jr. once said: “peace is not just the absence of tension, but the
presence of justice.” Our proposals and strategies for helping to foster peace in Somalia should not only alleviate the immediate tensions or conflict between groups, but also address the root causes of those conflicts -- including gender inequality – and aim to bring peace to a new Somalia.
More than a decade after disintegrating due to civil war, Somalia remains unstable and the search for durable political solutions continues to be sought. Numerous peace processes and negotiations have failed as various warlords who come to the negotiation table could not reach a consensus in building a peaceful Somalia – fundamentally because that peace would result in a diminishing of their power and authority. The major argument which I make in this presentation is the need to address the under-representation of Somali women from vital peace negotiations, an omission which denies them a role in shaping the decisions that will affect their lives and the formation of a Somalia built upon the visions of all Somalis, regardless of their gender. Somali women are largely excluded from the peace negotiations which are intended to resolve the unending civil war. Factors that hinder their participation in the discussions include:
i. Women were / are in a socially disadvantaged position in both the pre- and post-conflict periods, yet they play a major role in fostering a culture of peace at the local level. Women lack the opportunities and resources which would enable them to be a part of the peace-building effort. They lack information and political affiliations.
ii. Peace negotiations are seen as a male domain, which means that they also employ discourses and practices that are closer to men’s reality than to women’s.2 As a result, women miss the opportunity to influence directly or indirectly the peace-building agenda. Most of the Somali
women living in refugee camps and those in Canada whom I have encountered have explained their absence from these important negotiations, in part because “women are believed to lack any
contributions to politics and security of Somalia. Thus, peace and security are considered to be men’s tasks”. Such beliefs in fact fail to acknowledge the grassroots peace-building efforts in which women are involved through their everyday life activities.
2 Quoted from online resources, author,
http://www.unrisd.org/wsp/op3/op3-01.htm.
iii. During the conflict and its aftermath, women are often portrayed as vulnerable and as victims (Cockburn, 1998). Yet, women have been bridgebuilders; the glue which holds families together, which creates communities across clan-lines. This depiction of women reveals men as the only “legitimate” peacemakers (despite their historical role as creators of war). There is a need to reverse this stereotyping of women, to see them as active and creative agents for peace with more attention should be paid to their realities of life, their capacities andtheir priorities. Somali women should not be portrayed simply as victims of conflicts, but also as important actors who can contribute to the peace-building activities in their war-torn communities.
These hindering factors which led to women’s absence from vital peace-building negotiations needs to be addressed urgently if women are to make an equal contribution to the process. Men in general and warlords who specifically caused war and devastation with no real interest in bringing peace to Somalia, continue to be given opportunities such as resources, space, mobility, information and international recognition / legitimacy to discuss “peace.” Whenever a few women are given a similar opportunity to participate in these negotiations, they are often
only given space to serve as observers, rather than decision-makers.
Having a few women at the negotiation table as a token gesture does not truly provide women with the appropriate space to shape the peace agenda. Many Somali male friends of mine often tell me that women have always been present at the peace negotiations. I argue, however, that having women who are handpicked by their clan groups does not necessarily mean that women are given an equal space to voice and influence the peace negotiations.
Why is the participation of Somali women in peace negotiations vital?
In Arta’s peace negotiation (Djibouti), Somali women played an instrumental role in persuading men to put their differences aside and come to an agreement to form a national government. Why should Somali women, who constitute half of the population, be excluded from such efforts? Somali women, whenever their families and communities were threatened by new conflicts, organized and held peace protests in the areas where fighting erupted. If women continue to be excluded from these negotiations, their issues have no chance of being discussed or even being placed on the agenda of reconstruction. If durable political solutions are to be found in Somalia, gender considerations need to be mainstreamed into the peace and rebuilding processes. If peace negotiations take place without women’s participation, they will bear the brunt of misshapen policies and agendas, as the process determines the kind of space in which women can or cannot take actions to improve their status in any future government. I argue that the male-dominated, top-down peace negotiations will do nothing to reshape the gender roles and the position of women in the aftermath of conflict.
Canada’s Role
What can Canada do to help Somali-Canadian women to participate fully in future peace negotiations? Before I discuss the potential role of Canada, I will discuss briefly how important Canada has been to Somalis like you and I who have adopted this country as their new home. I was very lucky to have been given a second chance to rebuild my life. It has allowed me to obtain a higher education – which not only benefited me, but is also helping my family members who are refugees in various countries neighbouring Somalia as I send them remittances. I share some of the security elements Canada has given me with my family members. Without the opportunity given to me by this country, I would have been among the thousands of refugees living in deplorable conditions in
many refugee camp… thousands who are still in limbo a decade after the civil war began. Canada has been a very generous country for those of us who have made it home since our displacement from Somalia. Our status as Somali-Canadians allows us to be here today discussing and hoping to find solutions to Somalia’s political instability.
I am so proud to be Somali-Canadian. It is such a privilege for me to be sharing a space with Mr. Roy Cullen and other honorary guests. As a young woman growing up in Mogadishu, I had never met any members of my country’s parliament in person, let alone any of the government’s Ministers. The political system we have in Canada allows citizens to have access to their elected members of parliament as well as their government. Mr. Cullen, we thank you for your time and the support you have given to the Somali community.
The United Nations Resolution 1325
The Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 on October 31, 2000. This was a historic event and a victory to women who are in or are from war-torn societies. It was the first time ever that the importance of women’s contribution to peace-buildings was recognised and advocated by the United Nations. Resolution 1325 recognizes: [women’s] important role in the prevention and resolution of conflicts and in peace-building, and …the importance of their equal participation and full involvement in all efforts for the maintenance and promotion of peace and security, and the need to increase their role in decision-making with regard to conflict prevention and resolution (United Nations, 2000).
The Resolution provides guidelines to include women of all peacebuilding
efforts and the rebuilding of war-torn societies. I believe that if Resolution’s guidelines are utilised in an honest way by different actors, agents and countries working toward peace, the
gender gaps that have been prevalent in peace-building negotiations will be addressed.
I wonder how many participants of the current round of Somali peacenegotiations, which have been taking place in Kenya since the end of last year, know of the existence of Resolution 1325 and if they are truly implementing its guidelines.
I also wonder if Resolution 1325 is translated into Somali. If it is in Somali, how much awareness exists among the participants about the importance of including women in the process. I am interested in taking the initiative of translating the Resolution into Somali - so you are welcome to join me in doing this task.
Having a Resolution 1325 that advocates the full inclusion of women in all stages of peace-buildings and rebuilding is one thing…. implementing it is another.
There is an urgent need to implement the recommendations of UN Resolution 1325 in all peace-building efforts that are to come in Somalia. What is needed is commitment on the part of local actors as well as international actors, including Canada, to adhere to the recommendations made in Resolution 1325 to address the unequal representation of women in peace-building efforts.
Canada can use the Resolution’s guidelines to promote Somali-Canadian women’s involvement in future peace processes. I would like to point out a few critical areas that need immediate action by the Canadian government to facilitate this:
- Making available to women in the diaspora (in our case, Somali-Canadian women) the vital information on current or future peace negotiations. The lack of information has kept many women in the dark. In order for us to play a pivotal role, access to such information is required. The participation of women should not be left only to a few academics, politicians or businesspeople – but rather, open to the majority of Somali women who are living outside of their homeland.
- Providing resources to women in order for women to be physically present where the peace negotiations are taking place. Financial assistance to women will promote their full participation in the negotiations. Canada should use its diplomacy and positions of influence with various international bodies to which it belongs to ensure “seats at the negotiation table” are accorded to Somali -Canadian women.
- There should be an ongoing consultation with Somali-Canadian women by the Canadian government. We need to be consulted regarding peace proposals or plans, regardless of their origins in the UN, European Union or other agencies. Canada should be an advocate for the inclusion of Somali-Canadian women (representing different local organizations, intellectuals and students). There should also be consultation with the Somali community, representatives, youth and the Department of Foreign Affairs, so that the Canadian government can formulate policies relating to all aspects of its relationship with the current and future Somali leadership that is appropriate, sustainable and culturally aware.
UN Resolution 1325 is an important instrument or guideline that can provide women their denied rights and opportunities to bring solutions to their war-torn communities. Canada should not let this opportunity to slip by. The effective participation of Somali women in any peace process negotiation requires a complete recognition of them as an equal partner. Women should not be used as an ornament at the table to tritely demonstrate that women are “a part of” the peace agenda – their participation must be authentic and meaningful, or it will be a waste of resources and vital perspective.
Conclusion
I believe that peace is achievable in Somalia, if we are very committed to peace and the reconstruction of our former homeland. We need to put aside our differences and always place the needs of our country and the hundreds of thousands of impoverished people who are either internally displaced or refugees in neighbouring countries at the centre of our efforts. A poor, ruined Somalia overrun by anarchy will not only endanger the existence of our people but also our collective psychological well-beings. We in the diaspora have also been shouldering enormous financial responsibilities to our family members, who we left behind last month, last year and last decade which cannot be sustained forever.
We will prosper and gain from a stable, democratic and developed Somalia. I think that it is about time that every Somali individual makes his or her contribution to finding peace and security. We should get rid of the habit of waiting for “others” to clean up our own mess or rescue us from our own predicament. We must take responsibility for the past, and for the future of Somalia. There is no doubt we need the support of the international community – but we need not abandon our own resources, which are sustainable, at the expense of foreign dependency -- which is rarely sustainable and does nothing to enhance Somalia’s internal capacity to govern itself.
I look forward to hearing your views on Somalia’s present and future. I hope that we in the Somali diaspora community can find the common ground, the mutual respect and consideration which has been so profoundly absent in our homeland. With sincerity in our hearts and conviction for the cause of peace, we may finally discover the path that leads to a prosperous and peaceful Somalia.
Thank you.
http://action.web.ca/home/somalicanadians/attach/Shukriasfinalpresent6.pdf
Separated Somali Children: A Gap in their Hearts
Introduction
(January 2003) Somali parents are paying smugglers up to US $10,000 to take their children abroad, as part of a lucrative and exploitative international child-smuggling business. Faced with desperate choices, many parents who see no future in their own country allow their children to be abandoned by "agents" at airports and railway stations in European and North American countries. These separated children - mostly teenagers, but some as young as two or three - arrive burdened with a false identity. Most have been coached or intimidated into assuming a new name, a different age, and an imaginary history. Some are used for benefit fraud in welfare states; others - in the more extreme cases - are used as domestic labour, for prostitution, or fall into the hands of international criminal gangs. While some end up in the competent care of relatives, all, to some extent, struggle with serious psychological problems and identity issues. "There is only one word that describes the feeling they have: loneliness - they don't really live inside society, but on the edge of it," Swedish psychologist Marie Hessle told IRIN. ...
http://www.irinnews.org/pdf/in-depth/Gap-In-Their-Hearts-English.pdf
Building Peace in the Space of Civil Society: The Case of Somali Women
by Dr. Hodan Said Isse at UT Arlington conference
I would like to thank Dr. Jalloh for inviting me to this conference as well as all the conference organizers.
Thank you.
In this short presentation, I will provide discussion on women’s gained space in the civil society space, the origins of women’s organizations, their activism and their roles in peacebuilding in Somalia. I will also address some of the challenges facing them.
War affects everyone negatively but also transforms people positively, including women. In Somalia, the heroes have been Somali women who have been saving their war-ravaged nation. I would like to say that: “There are only two things going for Somalia: God and women. Both God and women have not let Somalia down. The war provided Somali women opportunity to re-examine their own identity as women (their status) and recognized their own agency and capacities.
Introduction
Of all the Post-Cold War conflicts to arise in Africa, one of the most disastrous has been the collapse of the Somali state (legally and administratively) following a civil war in which Somalia degenerated into a collection of feudal enclaves, each controlled by a self-appointed ‘warlord’ and Islamic courts. The current Transitional Federal Government faces enormous challenges to assert its authority beyond Baidoa (is a tiny town).
Somalia is a nation plagued by hunger, disease and poverty. It is a nation facing a very complex humanitarian crisis.
The people of this nation have been experiencing economic, political and environmental insecurities. Women have been particularly affected as there are no publicly funded social services available (these include: employment, healthcare, education and protection). Even some of the gains which women made in education and politics were rolled back (the lost decade for Somali women).
In fact, the status of Somali women ranks at the lowest rank in the United Nations Development Report. Such setbacks will be costly for Somali women as well as the nation in the post-recovery stage. The international community has attempted since 1991 to resolve the political fragmentation of Somalia.
The needs of the people within the country have been the focus of sporadic relief efforts by humanitarian and development agencies. In addition, there are local organizations in Somalia that have been responding to the humanitarian crisis which this presentation touches. A question which needs to be asked is what contributions are Somali women making to building peace in their country? The Somali case tells us many stories, a collapsed state in the 21st century, a nation facing complex humanitarian emergency, a peace issue, civil society and women’s activism in a stateless nation.
Civil society is the arena in which people, associations voluntarily to advance common interests. In this presentation I am using Habermas’ concept of civil society which means nexus of non-governmental or secondary associations ranging from churches, cultural associations, academies, independent media, sports and leisure clubs, debating societies, groups of concerned citizens, occupational associations, political parties, labour unions and alternative institutions. Civil society as a space, a site (for governance and strategic actions) of action and agency (actors). Civil society in Gramci’s conception becomes the site for the construction of a counter-hegemonic narrative.
Can we actually discuss about civil society in conflict zones (where the required resources and infrastructures do not exist)? Is there civil society in Somalia? Yes.
Micheal Edwards argues that the site of civil society is a potential site. It is where progressive politics including human rights, women’s rights, good governance, sustainable development, peace and security do take place and emerge (2004). Civil society are crucial agents building new society out of the ashes. They are the best hope for promoting democracy, peace, women’s rights and human rights. When I was in the field, I was really amazed by about how the NGOs/civil society have both sensitized/educated their members about human rights, women’s rights, sustainable development/environment and governance discourses. Somali women have been using the civil society space to deliver services to vulnerable groups and build peace.
Scholars on post-conflict societies point to the ever-growing number of women-led non-governmental organizations in post-conflict societies.1 Women’s activism in various war-torn societies has been visible and continues to be a force which has not only been responding to the needs of their communities but also to the processes of peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction (Cockburn, 1998; El-Bushra in Jacobs et al., 2000; Kumar, 2001; Sorensen, 1998 and Tripp, 1998). 2 In Somalia, due to the insecurity, that international humanitarian aid agencies had to rely on the partnership of local organizations, and have contributed to the growth of local NGOs in Somalia and Somaliland.
One of the positive outcomes of the collapsed state and the civil war, is that women gained a space that they never had before. Women have been using it very effectively. (It was not an easy experience for women to occupy this space. They were harassment and violence was leashed on them. Most of the leaders of these organizations whom I interviewed stated that the community which they were serving misunderstood their work and their properties were vandalized and looted. They were stoned at and accused for indoctrinating women (it was women, children and youth, they target through their programmes). (Patriarchical institutions weaken temporarily due to men being involved with the clan-warfare and the power struggle). It is important to understand that the ways in which women are using this space as a form of resistance to violence, statelessness, poverty, and underdevelopment.
Factors which led to the formation of these organizations
There are three driving factors which led women to organize and establish their own non-governmental organizations and to respond to the needs of the war-affected population. They include:
- The fall of the Somali state (statelessness, lawlessness and power vacuum). It was violently removed by armed opposition groups.
- The rupture of gender relations (men being occupied with both clan warfare and power struggle). As result, patriarchical structures weakened (temporarily). Somali women got the opportunity to reinvent themselves and reassert their agency in lawless nation.
- And the civil war and its devastating impacts on the people.
1 Women-led NGOs are organizations initiated, formed, and sustained by women. Women’s leadership is very much pronounced in these organizations.
2 I define peacebuilding as the rebuilding of relationships between groups in conflict. In the Somali context, this requires a re-achievement of the social relations of respect and cooperation between various clans which had existed prior to the civil war.
Thus, civil society, including women’s organizations are products of the civil war (humanitarian crisis). Somali civil society emerged out of crisis – collapsed state, civil war and its humanitarian crisis negatively impacting on the people.
All the leaders of women-led organizations whom I interviewed in Bari, Nugal, Mudug, Sanaag and Hargeisa, had no previous experience of working in the NGO sector. Most of the leaders of women’s organizations are educated, urban and middle class. They stated that they were compelled to assist vulnerable groups – women and children. “We had to do something to save the lives of our people. We could not ignore the humanitarian crisis affecting our people and community” iThese leaders have sold their meager assets (jewelry) to set up a feeding programme, schools and so on. As the sufferings of the Somali people intensified in the 1990s, Somali women were confronted to respond to the humanitarian crisis. Some of these women’s organizations may have lacked the skills, capacity and the required resources to carry out such daunting tasks. Similarly Somali women living outside of the country were compelled to do something for their families, neighbors, people and communities. Somali female activists who were inside Somalia sought the support of Somali diaspora, particuraly women to finance some of their relief projects. Somali women in abroad have organized various events such as luncheon, dinner to collect funds from every individual who attended such events. There were even times when the clan card was used to encourage people to support their clans men and women who were in need of humanitarian assistance.
Women’s organizations have been delivering much needed services to women, children and other vulnerable groups. They have built schools, clinics, wells, and supported number of micro-credit programmes for children, youth and women. It is through their services that reduce the vulnerabilities of people, particularly the youth (who can easily be recruited to militia groups). Many slogans are used by these organizations to promote the education of the youth – pick up the pen and put down your gun” – qalinka qaad qorigana dhig.
Somali women’s activism and organizations in various communities in Somalia have been visible (even in remote places, you can find community-based organizations which operating in one tiny rooms) and continue to be forces which have been responding to the needs of the needy and traumatized groups of the population (mostly women and children). Women in Somalia and Somaliland have developed their own networks. There are three major women’s networks (which 90 percent of women’s organizations are member): The Coalition of Grassroots Women’s Organization (COGWO), NAGAAD in Somaliland and We are Women’s Activists (WAWA). They cooperate and do carry out a nation-wide campaigns including FGM.
Their contributions to community development and peace-building initiatives are small-scale but yet are having enormous impact on the lives of ordinary people living in fragile situation. Their programmes are building new communities. In spite of the absence of state, war, lawlessness, chaos, poverty and under-development, Somali women have been participating in a new and vital civil society development in war-torn Somalia. The activities of such organizations are crucial and highly needed in post-conflict situation such as Somalia.
According to Edwards, these organizations are strategically located at what he calls the space of “microclimates in which skills are learned, values and loyalties are developed, and caring and cooperation – instead of competition and violence – become the rational ways to behave” (2004:41). Trust has been one of the casualties of the civil war. Women’s organizations’ programmes are formulated and implemented in way to foster unity, cooperation and trust among their beneficiaries. Various groups belonging to different clans residing in one locale are encouraged to work together in all stages of these projects. It is through these projects that have brought people from various ethnic groups to interact thus contributing to social peace. At the beginning each clan refused to work with each other due to mistrust and fear of the other. However, women’s NGOs have assisted these groups to overcome such fears. There were clan leaders in certain villages whom were adamant to cooperate and work with other clans. Women’s NGOs pulled their operations in these places and rewarded (with more projects and assistance) to other villages and towns where their inhabitants willing to cooperate and manage their projects.
Both their humanitarian / community development activities and the space of civil society which women have been occupying is and can be a political – where women are /can pursue (ing) their political struggle in war-torn country. It is their work and this space where women’s organization can advocate for gender equality and resist new oppressive forces.
Somali Women’s Roles in Peacebuilding
Somali women’s activism in peacebuilding is linked to their activism in war. Some of their contributions to the war included: songs, poems, encouraging men to fight, collecting funds and resources to finance the war, provided food, medicine and water to fighters. Women have been resourceful peacemakers/peacebuilders and have been building peace from the bottom up.
Somali women and their organizations have been making their share to the peace-building and conflict resolution efforts in their communities. There have been numerous peace making and building initiatives carried out by women in every corner of this troubled nation. During periods of tensions, women established their own peace envoys and delegates (known as Ergo nabadeed) who have certain skills (good nature, personality, charismatic, well versed with the traditional and customary laws). Whenever violence erupts between two groups, women study the conflict, assess the impacts of the conflict on women and also study the prospects for peace. For example, the war between Ali Mahdi and the late Aideed – two powerful warlords who controlled Mogadishu and led to the division of the city of Mogadishu into two parts – North and South. A green line was set up to divide the people. Women who belonged to both of their clans (the Abgaals and Habar Gidir) crossed the check-up points as well as the greenline to check upon other women (from other side), and provided assistance to women and children affected by the violence. Often, women used various excuses to cross and checkpoints and used excuses that they are simply crossing these checkpoints to borrow salt and sugar from a friend who resides the other side of the city. In addition, they have mobilized resources and facilitated contacts and communication between the warring groups. In many communities in Somalia and Somaliland, women have traveled many miles to carry peace and reconciliation messages to warring factions. Women have also pressured local authorities to keep the peace in their cities. There is an initiative called Hufan – Hufan is the name of the leader whom organized all female boycott. Hufan and thousands of women in Bosaso sat in the Bosasso port aimed to disrupt economic activities for the local authorities/militia groups. Women did this sit in to pressure local authority to establish law and order in Bosasso town. It led to results. Even women have and do promoted peace and averted conflicts by pressuring their spouses in the bedrooms.
Thus, women’s organizations have been pushing for an alternative – a bottom-up approach to community development, gender justice and peacebuilding and rebuilding in war-torn Somalia.
There are many challenges facing women’s organizations in Somalia. They include:
- Lack of sufficient resources for them to meet the needs of the population. This is where Somali diaspora can help.
- Insecurity can hamper their activities.
- The lack of infrastructure, investment, high unemployment, and environmental degradation (charcoal burning) are barriers to both social and economic recovery – thus, making difficult for women’s organization to do their work.
Conclusion
It is the space of civil society where Somali women are not only building social peace but also transforming war-torn Somalia. I argue that it is the civil society space where women are clearly expressing that they are not accepting the tragic situation engulfed in their country. Women have been using their own experiences as victims, perpetrators and active agents to create a sustainable peace in a nation ravaged by unending civil war. The future of women’s organizations and their activisms in the space of civil society will depend upon number of things: the new government, the Islamist group, their policies and actions towards civil society as well as their commitment to democracy, social justice and gender equality in war-torn country.
Thank you.
i Personal interviews conducted from August 2005 to April 2006.
http://www.hafrica.com/docs/Building_Peace_in_the_Space_of_Civil_Society_The_Case_of_Somali_Women.pdf
Attitudes to female genital mutilation
Comfort Momoh, British Journal of Midwifery, Vol. 12, Iss. 10, 07 Oct 2004, pp 631 - 635
Immigrants from Africa, Somalia in particular, bring with them traditional sociocultual and religious values and beliefs that continue to present challenges for midwives in the UK. British-born daughters of immigrants remain at risk of female genital mutilation (FGM) and it is imperative that those attending circumcised women in the UK understand the complex nature of attitudes to the practice and are aware of the legal issues (Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act 1985; Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003). The author of this article travelled to Somaliland to discover, first-hand, what sustains practice of FGM and what is being done there to raise awareness of the dangers of FGM. The findings are reflected in recent legislation summarised in the text.
http://www.intermid.co.uk/cgi-bin/go.pl/library/article.cgi?uid=16101;article=BJM_12_10_631_635
The Role of Somali Women in the Implementation of UNSCR 1325
(UNSCR:
http://www.peacewomen.org/un/sc/1325.html)
Rome, Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 13.06.2007
Chair, Ladies and gentlemen.
I appreciate this opportunity to speak here today and to discuss with you both the peace process in Somalia and the role of Somali women in the implementation of Security Council resolution 1325.
For far too long, the political situation in Somalia has been dominated by lawlessness, war and chaos, which has caused a great deal suffering among the civilian population in the country, not least among Somali women and children.
We had great hopes that the peace and reconciliation conference that went on for several years in Kenya would create the basis for a new, more peaceful and stable Somalia.
But the Transitional Federal Institutions that emerged from this conference were not able by themselves to establish peace in the country. New conflicts arose, and –- as we all know – Ethiopian military forces intervened in Somalia half a year ago in support of the internationally recognised Somali institutions.
Intense fighting was still going on in Mogadishu as late as the end of April. Hundreds of thousands of Somali families were fleeing their homes in the capital due to the violence.
As always when there is a war, it is the women and children who are the major victims.
On the other hand, we may ask ourselves: How many women do we see when deals are negotiated? When agreements are signed? When reconstruction starts?
I am sure that you agree that the lack of gender balance in peace and reconciliation processes is a problem. Because we know the facts.
Women bear the heaviest burden in times of war. They bear the heaviest burden in times of reconstruction. So their almost total absence from these processes is unacceptable, unfair – and unwise.
We know that women are key agents of change in post-conflict situations when peace agreements are to be implemented. When societies are to be rebuilt. When people are trying to get their lives back to normal.
Let us agree on this: peacemaking should not just be an exercise that only involves combatants. It must involve the other half of society, the other part, all of society.
It must include women.
And when we talk about the involvement of women, we must make sure that women are not seen as a uniform group, but as a diversified group of actors.
My own country, Norway, is strongly committed to gender equality and we believe that women’s empowerment is the key to social, economical and political development. We believe that the greatest gains countries can achieve, economically as well as politically, come with empowering women.
Norway for its part is working along several dimensions – in cooperation with likeminded partners, NGOs, the World Bank and the UN – to increase the participation and representation of women in peace processes and as stakeholders.
Our motivation is the simple fact that involving women ensures broader support for changes that affect people’s everyday lives.
Including women in ongoing peace processes and negotiations is important.
But first women must have basic security. Resolution 1325 is an important instrument in both regards. Although the resolution is widely known now, implementation is slow and fragmented. The accountability and monitoring mechanisms for its implementation are still weak.
On International Women’s Day, 8 March, last year the Norwegian Government launched the Norwegian Action Plan for the Implementation of Resolution 1325.
The action plan spotlights our ambitions and sets benchmarks for our efforts to increase the participation and representation of women in local and international peacebuilding processes. This also applies to our own teams of mediators.
On 8 March this year Norway launched a new three-year action plan for women’s rights and gender equality in development cooperation.
The plan is backed by financial and staff resources. And a specific budget line for women and gender equality was also introduced this year.
Somalia is at the very bottom of most of the social indicators used in the UN Human Development rankings, and women and girls tend to be extremely vulnerable in the traditionally clan and male-dominated Somali society.
Last week Norway signed an agreement with UNDP concerning support to the Somali national reconciliation process of more than USD 3.6 million.
Of this USD 1 million is direct support to the reconciliation congress itself, and approximately USD 1.5 million is support to governance, which will also include measures to promote women’s participation in public life.
Total Norwegian assistance to Somali this year will amount to somewhere around USD 35 million, of which a major share is humanitarian and emergency assistance. This includes assistance with regard to health, water, sanitation, shelter and education.
Norway is also participating in a major effort by the European Commission and other partners to map out a strategy for more long-term assistance and reconstruction of Somalia.
This initative is being carried out under the broader Reconstruction and Development Framework for Somalia, which has been developed by the UN and the World Bank.
As part of this work Norway last year financed a special gender profile on Somalia, which will constitute a major framework for international support and assistance to Somalia within this sector.
The gender profile was commissioned by the EC Somalia Operations Unit in cooperation with Member States and Norway as part of the preparation of its Country Strategy Paper (CSP) for Somalia.
This gender profile was necessary in order to ensure that issues and challenges associated with gender were taken into account and mainstreamed in the programmes.
The purpose of the profile was to analyse the impact of the war on gender roles and responsibilities in Somalia. It also identified indicators for monitoring women’s Rights in Somalia.
Key gender issues and challenges were identified, and benchmarks and indicators were proposed for political and public life, education, health and family planning.
Special focus was put on the possibility of creating an enabling environment for economic growth, to reverse the increasing feminisation of rural poverty in Somalia.
The full gender profile document is currently one of the CSP supporting documents.
Most Somali women today live under extremely difficult conditions due to the chaos and anarchy that have prevailed in the country for so long.
But progress is being made. We have recently seen that some Somali women are raising their voices and speaking out against the anarchy and the infighting between the various clans and factions. Today these women are becoming a voice for reason, and for peace and reconciliation among all Somalis.
This is a positive development which we in the international community should strongly support.
The views of the Somali diaspora are also an important factor here – their resourcefulness and their experience will be invaluable in determining policy towards Somalia. The Norwegian Government helped fund a Somali women’s conference in Oslo in May. This was the largest conference of Somali women in Norway to date, and I found it both stimulating and motivating.
The peace process in Somalia is currently at a critical stage. In a few days’ time, a new, major Somali National Reconciliation Congress is scheduled to open in Mogadishu.
This could be another new window of opportunity provided that the political leaders within the Transitional Federal Institutions and those who have opposed the TFIs are both ready to utilise that opportunity for the benefit of all the people of Somalia.
We know that the organisers of this congress (the National Governance and Reconciliation Committee) have reserved 20% of the seats at the congress for women.
This is a positive step forward, but we also want to see it be implemented, and that women are given same rights and access as men when it comes to influencing the proceedings and the outcome of the congress.
Somali women have been part of all the national peace and reconciliation conferences held since the collapse of the central government in 1991.
I have heard that Somali women also achieved results when they, by means of joint needs assessments and a gender experts group meeting, presented a set of declarations to the ministerial meetings on gender and women’s affairs. These declarations were later adopted by the Heads of State and Government at the IGAD Summit in March 2006.
With these achievements in place, there was a need for a symposium to summarise and to discuss both the road ahead and the continuing need to engage women in the process.
Norway therefore funded a women’s symposium, which was held on 19-22 February 2007 in Kampala, Uganda.
Over 140 women delegates were present. They came from all walks of life: both from the central government and from the autonomous regions, as well as from different African and international NGO and from the private sector.
The symposium was to evaluate and review the RDF (Reconstruction Development Framework) from a gender perspective, share experience and identify what was needed to implement the gender-specific recommendations in the Somali RDF.
The symposium agreed on a set of ambitious strategic priorities, such as the ratification of the Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and Security Council resolution 1325.
The delegates also called for the establishment of a gender-responsive legal framework, 30% representation of women on all levels of governance, and providing and facilitating microcredit loans for women.
To sum up, women are security providers in their communities. But if they are to be effective, their own basic security needs must be met.
Women are needed as partners in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. But then their particular ways of organising their efforts and solving problems have to be taken into account.
There are numerous examples of women coming together across dividing lines created by war to find ways to put an end to violence and to work for peace.
The international community has an obligation to provide economic, political and logistical assistance for these efforts.
And we, the international community, pledge to be at the forefront in the fight to promote this cause.
Because this is peacebuilding in practice.
http://www.regjeringen.no/en/dep/ud/About-the-Ministry/Other-political-staff/avskjedigete/State-Secretary-for-International-Develo/Speeches-and-articles/2007/somali_women.html?id=473176