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Somalia: UN Reports Continuing Tensions in North After Clashes
UN News Service (New York) 21 January 2008
Tensions remain high in Somalia's disputed northern Sool region after violent clashes last week between troops from the self-declared autonomous Puntland and Somaliland provinces, according to United Nations humanitarian workers in the fractured Horn of Africa country.
While there is no confirmation of internal displacement of civilians due to the latest fighting, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has registered some 1,240 people from Sool in Yemen since the start of this year.
UNHCR also reports that some 20,000 have been newly displaced from Mogadishu, Somalia's battle-wracked capital, in recent weeks due to ongoing violence.
Meanwhile, the UN World Food Programme (WFP) has resumed distribution for some 200,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) at camps along the Afgooye-Mogadishu road.
With some 7,400 children attending classes in 30 makeshift schools, UN humanitarian agencies are concerned that the constant movement of families on the run from the violence has left 4,000 remaining on waiting lists. The agencies have appealed for additional emergency educational structures in the Afgooye area.
Somaliland leader returns home after touring Europe, U.S.
HARGEISA, Somalia Jan 21 (Garowe Online) - The leader of Somalia's breakaway region of Somaliland returned home on Monday after a two-week visit to parts of Europe and the United States.
Dahir Riyale Kahin, the separatist president of Somaliland, was welcomed at the airport in the regional capital Hargeisa by various administration officials and parliamentarians.
Riyale's delegation included his ministers for foreign affairs, planning and health. While in London, the Somaliland delegation met with UK lawmakers and foreign ministry officials.
In Washington, D.C., Mr. Riyale received a mixed welcome, with hundreds of protestors taking to the streets in opposition to Somaliland's attempt to secede from the rest of Somalia.
He also met with Jendayi Frazer, the top U.S. diplomat for African issues.
A U.S. government spokesman later distanced Mr. Riyale's visit to Washington, D.C., from the breakaway region's hopes for international recognition.
The U.S. government is not on the verge of recognizing Somaliland as an independent state and defers the issue to the African Union, VOA reported. [READ: State Department: US Not Moving to Recognize Somaliland]
In Hargeisa today, President Riyale told his supporters that the "message has reached America," in reference to Somaliland's bid for statehood.
Somaliland, composed of regions in northwest Somalia, aims to reestablish colonial-era boundaries that ceased to exist in 1960 after the north united with the southern regions to create the first independent Somali Republic.
In recent months, the region has intensified its military campaign to reach the colonial border after capturing the disputed region of Sool from the neighboring rival state of Puntland last October.
There are serious concerns that the ongoing buildup to war between Somaliland and Puntland could potentially turn relatively stable northern Somalia into a war zone akin to Mogadishu.
Somaliland: Targeting of Human Rights Organisations Network and threats against its Director Mubarik Ibrahim Aar
Dr. Mubarik Ibrahim Aar
Front Line is deeply concerned following the targeting of the Somaliland Human Rights Organisations Network (SHURO-Net). SHURO-Net is an umbrella group of various human rights organisations, which operates in Somaliland. It has allegedly been taken over by government officials, compromising the independent work of SHURO-Net. Furthermore, threats have been made against the original members of SHURO-Net, particularly the Director Mubarik Ibrahim Aar.
Further Information
Posted 04/12/2007 On 24 October 2007, an Extraordinary Assembly of SHURO-Net was held without a member of the elected Board of Directors present at the meeting. Abdilaahi Aadan Cumar (Wayab), of SOLNA, the government news agency, was elected as the new Chairperson of the organisation. The Deputy Minister of Justice, Minister and Director General of Family Affairs also attended the meeting and all three government officials made speeches at the Assembly. Also present were members of the SHURO organisations from the city of Boroma, who stated that the city governor had threatened to close down their organisations if they did not attend.
On 31 October 2007, the Deputy Minister of Justice ordered the police to take over the offices of SHURO and recognised the administrative control of the illegally elected Board. On 3 November 2007, approximately 38 member organisations of SHURO-Net held a meeting, at which they recognised the Board elected in 2005, declared the assembly of 24 October illegal and condemned government interference in civil society organisations. The following day, SHURO-Net's Executive Director Mubarik Ibrahim Aar, was forcibly escorted to SHURO-Net's offices. The Deputy Minister of Justice, Chairman of the Human Rights Commission, the District Head of Police and other government officials were present at the offices and demanded that the director hand over control of the office and its contents.
On 8 November 2007, Mubarik Ibrahim Aar publicly resigned in protest at government interference in SHURO-Net. Since this time, his resignation has not been accepted. Apparently, he has been threatened on two separate occasions by the Deputy Minister of Justice that he will be punished if he does not cooperate with SHURO-Net. Threats have also been made against other against members of SHURO-Net, which have reportedly come both from the Ministry of Justice and the members of the 'new' SHURO Board.
Front Line is deeply concerned by governmental interference in the administration of SHURO-Net and threats made against Mubarik Ibrahim Aar. Front Line believes that the independence of civil society organisations and networks is integral to any democratic society, and fears that recent events in Somaliland are compromising the ability of SHURO-Net's member organisations to carry out their work in defence of human rights.
Take Action. Please take action on behalf of human rights defenders at risk in Somaliland. Copy the letter enclosed and send it to the address provided. Thank you for taking action on behalf of human rights defenders in Somaliland.
Target adresses: SOMALILAND MISSION, 102 Cavel Street, London E1 2JA
UNITED KINGDOM
Letter: Your Excellency
I am deeply concerned following the targeting of the Somaliland Human Rights Organisations Network (SHURO-Net). SHURO-Net is an umbrella group of various human rights organisations, which operates in Somaliland. It has allegedly been taken over by government officials, compromising the independent work of SHURO-Net. Furthermore, threats have been made against the original members of SHURO-Net, particularly the Director Mubarik Ibrahim Aar.
On 24 October 2007, an Extraordinary Assembly of SHURO-Net was held without a member of the elected Board of Directors present at the meeting. Abdilaahi Aadan Cumar (Wayab), of SOLNA, the government news agency, was elected as the new Chairperson of the organisation. The Deputy Minister of Justice, Minister and Director General of Family Affairs also attended the meeting and all three government officials made speeches at the Assembly. Also present were members of the SHURO organisations from the city of Boroma, who stated that the city governor had threatened to close down their organisations if they did not attend.
On 31 October 2007, the Deputy Minister of Justice ordered the police to take over the offices of SHURO and recognised the administrative control of the illegally elected Board. On 3 November 2007, approximately 38 member organisations of SHURO-Net held a meeting, at which they recognised the Board elected in 2005, declared the assembly of 24 October illegal and condemned government interference in civil society organisations. The following day, SHURO-Net's Executive Director Mubarik Ibrahim Aar, was forcibly escorted to SHURO-Net's offices. The Deputy Minister of Justice, Chairman of the Human Rights Commission, the District Head of Police and other government officials were present at the offices and demanded that the director hand over control of the office and its contents.
On 8 November 2007, Mubarik Ibrahim Aar publicly resigned in protest at government interference in SHURO-Net. Since this time, his resignation has not been accepted. Apparently, he has been threatened on two separate occasions by the Deputy Minister of Justice that he will be punished if he does not cooperate with SHURO-Net. Threats have also been made against other against members of SHURO-Net, which have reportedly come both from the Ministry of Justice and the members of the 'new' SHURO Board.
I am deeply concerned by governmental interference in the administration of SHURO-Net and threats made against Mubarik Ibrahim Aar. I believe that the independence of civil society organisations and networks is integral to any democratic society, and fear that recent events in Somaliland are compromising the ability of SHURO-Net's member organisations to carry out their work in defence of human rights.
I urge the Somaliland authorities to:
1.Cease all harassment of Mubarik Ibrahim Aar, as it is solely related to his legitimate and non-violent work in defence of human rights;
2.Immediately end their interference in the administration of SHURO-Net and recognise the legitimacy of the legally elected Board;
3.Desist from using threats to effect changes in civil society organisations such as SHURO-Net, and use their influence to ensure that there will be no further threats or intimidation against staff and member organisations of SHURO and the SHURO-Network of civil society movements and NGOs;
4.Ensure that all human rights defenders in Somaliland are free to carry out their legitimate and peaceful work in defence of human rights, without fear of intimidation or reprisal.
SOMALIA: Somaliland rolls out ARV treatment, but HIV/AIDS education lagging
Somaliland's relative stability contributes to its successful ARV programme
HARGEISA, 22 August 2007 (PlusNews) - Almost two years after appointing a national HIV/AIDS commission, the self-declared republic of Somaliland, in northwestern Somalia, has slowly begun rolling out antiretroviral (ARV) drugs.
The ARV programme, funded by the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, started in 2005 with 30 participants; it now provides medicines, supplemental food and counselling services to 300 HIV-positive people in Hargeisa, the Somaliland capital.
"Besides an improvement in my health, the best thing about the ARVs is that they have allowed me to keep working and earning money for my family," said Rahma Hirsi, an ARV recipient and mother of three.
Relief workers attribute the success of the ARV programme to the relative stability of Somaliland compared with south-central Somalia, which continues to be racked by conflict, displacing large numbers of people.
Need for vigilance
Somaliland's position makes it a destination of choice for a constant flow of displaced persons from south-central Somalia, as well as a transit point for migrants from east and central Africa attempting to reach the Gulf States, putting the region at a higher risk of HIV.
According to UNAIDS, Somalia's national HIV prevalence rate is 0.9 percent, significantly lower than its East African neighbours, but in Somaliland the infection level is slightly higher at 1.4 percent.
Regional experts attribute this to a number of factors, including increased border traffic with neighbouring, higher-prevalence Ethiopia, as well as an emerging commercial port at Berbera, on the Red Sea, where UNAIDS estimated the prevalence rate at 2.3 percent.
Activists have criticised the Somaliland government's failure to finalise a national HIV/AIDS policy covering HIV awareness, treatment and care, which has been in draft form for two and a half years.
"The parliament has not seen HIV/AIDS as a priority, and the fact that we have no national policy is proof of this," Mustafe Farah Migane, project coordinator at the Somaliland HIV/AIDS Network (SAHAN), a Hargeisa-based non-governmental organisation (NGO), told IRIN/PlusNews.
According to the executive director of the Somaliland National AIDS Commission, Mohamed Hussein Osman, a comprehensive HIV/AIDS policy was read by the executive cabinet recently and will be tabled in parliament "in a few weeks".
Stigma against HIV-positive people and their families is widespread, and Somali cultural conservatism means discussion about sex is taboo. "There is still this perception that HIV is something that is contracted only through illegal sex," Migane said. "In other words, if you say that you are HIV-positive, you are saying that you had sex outside marriage."
According to UNAIDS, there is "a serious lack of understanding and awareness of basic information on HIV within Somali populations".
SAHAN has led a series of workshops for women, young people and influential religious leaders. UNAIDS, in partnership with the AIDS commissions of Somalia's three regions - Somaliland in the northwest, Puntland in the northeast and south-central Somalia - is also involved in educating people across the country about HIV. http://www.dhaqan.com/
CARE Somaliland
CARE Somaliland is an Australian Registered Association which is based in Melbourne, its non-governmental, non-political, and non-profit making organization aiming to enhance the well-being of the people of Somaliland. Our mission is to collect donation to create lasting change in the poor Somaliland communities in Somaliland, we will focus on the following priority areas to implement its objectives and translate them into action.
Health Care
- Assist the repairing and maintenance of the healthcare facilities (hospitals etc).
- Encourage the return of qualified staff such the doctors, nurses, midwives, pharmacies, radiologists, operation theatre staff, anaesthelogists& medical laboratory technologists after training or retraining.
- To provide technical advice and financial and technical contribution.
- To Provide health care assistance to women and children by helping and expanding the existing Mother and Child Health Centres (MCHs), Outpatient Departments (OPDs) and dispensaries in urban and rural areas.
- Helping to extend health care services to rural/nomadic communities who are not accessible to health care services by opening more dispensaries and rural clinics.
- Supporting and concentrating on improving clean water and ensuring access to health.
- Initiate proposals to assess the mental health problems in the Somaliland.
Education
- Focussing on assisting the schools of the Somaliland financially, educationally and professionally in order to practically make them genuine learning centres for both adults and children.
Enhancing the quality of education and development in Somaliland.
- Supporting and concentrating on implementing access and delivering primary education, secondary education and establishing in near future the University every major city of Somaliland.
Environmental Protection, Veterinary and Agriculture
- Monitor long-term factors leading to food security including the state of the environment (i.e. range lands, water supply, animal health, access to markets and levels of purchasing power).
- Prevent the clear-cutting of the trees for charcoal production and exportation.
- Increase level of environmental understanding and increase environmental protection awareness among the local people and community leaders.
- Set up agricultural schemes to assist farmers to plant trees, provide health seeds, farming equipment and general training.
Increase the reliability of water sources such as the boreholes, berkeds (ponds) and shallow wells.
- Identify and respond to the major animal health problems.
- Extend veterinary services to districts and remote villages.
- Lobbying the international community to intervene and assist the people of Somaliland.
Community Development
- Initiate community development programmes particularly for the vulnerable groups in the community such as women, children and the disabled.
- Liase with and support local Somaliland non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and community organisations inside Somaliland and abroad as well as International organisations.
Research and Training
- Recognise and encourage the inclusion of research and training as an important component of the organisation programmes and projects.
- Organise periodical workshops and if possible invite international NGOs.
Publicity and Public education
- Raise the awareness of the International community about the needs of the Somaliland people.
- Set up Somaliland international resource centre.
21 March 2007
Somaliland: Millennium Development Goals
Lord Avebury (Liberal Democrat)
asked Her Majesty's Government: What assessment they have made of the capacity of the Somaliland authorities to measure their attainment of the millennium development goals.
Baroness Amos (President of the Council, Privy Council Office)
The UN has carried out a number of household surveys in Somalia (including Somaliland) and collated data on its progress against the MDGs (table below).
Assessment of the Transitional Federal Government and Somaliland and Puntland authorities' capacity to measure their attainment of the MDGs has been difficult as data collection in Somalia has been hampered since 1990 as a result of the civil war, insecurity and lack of governmental institutions. The TFG, Somaliland and Puntland authorities and donors are committed to addressing this and will be discussing plans for a national census and for statistical capacity to be strengthened at an envisaged donor conference later this year.
MDG Somaliland Results
1 Eradicate poverty and hunger
Population living below $1 a day (whole of Somalia) 43%
Prevalence child malnutrition (% underweight under 5) 21%
2 Achieve universal primary education
Net primary enrolment ratio 11.4%
3 Promote gender equality
Ratio girls to boys in primary and secondary education 44%
Proportion of seats in Parliament held by women 0/82
4 Reduce child mortality
Under five mortality rate (per 1,000) 188
Infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) 113
5 Improve maternal health
Maternal mortality rate (per 100,000 live births) 1,600
Births attended by skilled health staff 27%
_ Combat HIV/AIDS malaria and other diseases
HIV prevalence among 15-24 year old pregnant women 1.4%
Incidence of TB (per 100,000 per year) 460
7 Ensure environmental sustainability
Access to an improved water source (% of population) 31.3%
Access to improved sanitation 47.4%
8 Develop a global partnership for development
Access to affordable, essential drugs (whole of Somalia) 0.49%
UNDP MDG Report Somalia, UNICEF Multiple Cluster Indicator Surveys, UNDP Human Development Reports, household surveys from 1999-2004.
Time for Kenya & Ethiopia to recognize Somaliland independence(Blog)
Published 10/28/2007
BLOGGER/ADDIS
The horn of Africa has endured some of the biggest wars in Africa. The region is one of the most unstable in the world. Somalia, Kenya and Ethiopia are historically the principal states shaping the region’s politics and due to the Greater Somalia (GS) ideology Somali children know how to shoot machine guns more than they know how to use a pencil. Because of the GS, Somalia has been the only country in the world without a government the last 16 years. And these irredentism ambitions of Greater Somalia will bring more wars in the region since satisfying Greater Somalia means destroying the boundaries of Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti. So the big question is, why aren’t horn of Africa countries assisting Somaliland get its independence and give GS the final blow?
As Ethiopia and Kenya keep quiet, the propaganda attack against Somaliland by Greater Somalia (GS) advocates is increasing everyday. Many GS supporters are accusing Somaliland of being Ethiopian puppet. This is comical because it is not Ethiopia that originally put the Somaliland boundaries; it was UK holding it as a “British protectorate.”
So Ethiopia has nothing to do with the plan of Somalilanders to have their own country. They already declared independence many years ago and for them it is a done deal. Ethiopia has nothing to do with their decision. Yes, Somaliland was “federated” with Ethiopia 500 years ago and Yes, a small part of Somaliland was governed under the Ethiopian ancient Kingdom of Axum in the 3rd century. But today it is the 21st century. Ethiopians today don’t have any ambition to take any part of Somaliland. In fact, Haile Selassie was able to reach Mogadishu and Hargeisha many times during various battles six decades ago, but he was never interested in taking over Somalia. Also after the failed invasion by Siad Barre, Ethiopia could have kept its troops in Somalia and tried to permanently take its lands during Mengistu government. But Ethiopia was not interested. In general, Ethiopia has NO interest in colonizing or in taking Mogadishu or Hargeisha.
Secondly, other Greater Somalia (GS) supporters are accusing Somaliland of being a secessionist. In fact, this “secessionist” label is being used as a curse word. This is even more comical because the same people who support the secessionist ONLF are accusing Somaliland for being secessionist. This is illogical. It doesn’t make sense.
But what is logical politics is for all the people in the horn of Africa to identify the historical source of the region’s problems. All countries in Africa are ethnically mixed and diverse. All African nations have a multi-ethnic society; some of these are shaped this way because of historical African conquests and some of these are shaped this way because of the general AU consensus to keep the status quo of boundaries used during the European colonization. However, when we come to the Greater Somalia advocates, they are seeking to be a nation of only one ethnicity by annexing the territories of other African nations. By doing so, GS contradicts the de facto AU status quo of a multi-ethnic society. For the GS to be achieved, it has to break up all neighboring countries. East Kenya has to be annexed, southeastern Ethiopia has to be annexed and parts of Djibouti must be annexed. Thus, it is clear that the horn of Africa will never have peace and stability as long as GS politicians dominate Mogadishu politics. It is long overdue for Mogadishu politicians to accept the reality in Africa and to accept the status quo in Africa. So ONLF, ICU and many other Somali groups seeking to directly or indirectly satisfy their Greater Somalia ideology must be opposed if we care for the stability of not just the region but also the whole Africa. The Horn of African countries recognizing Somaliland’s independence will give the final blow to the GS ideology and marginalize the GS advocates out of mainstream politics in Mogadishu permanently.
The writer lives in America and he can be reached by ethiom842@ yahoo.com
Somaliland: A New Democracy in the Horn of Africa?
Authors: Stig Jarle Hansen; Mark Bradbury,
Review of African Political Economy, V34, n. 113 Sep 2007, pg 461 - 476
Abstract
With a constitutionally-based and popularly elected government, the Republic of Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in 1991, has a democratic system matched by few other countries in Africa and the Middle East. However, Somaliland's independence has not been recognised internationally. Moreover developments in neighbouring countries suggest that people in Somaliland will face serious challenges in entrenching a democratic political system. This article takes as its point of departure Georg Sorensen's (1998:3) definition of democracy. His definition is employed, together with the history of elections in the region, to explore the challenges people in Somaliland face in establishing a democratic political system, in this sense the article aims to explore the challenges of the future, rather than analyse the processes of the past. These include, among others, the shift from a clan-based form of political representation and competition to one based on political partiesas forums for political representation and competition, the urban-based nature of political discourse in a still predominantly rural society, and the absence of a strong independent media.
The Horn of Africa has long been vacillating between the outbreak of conflict and repressed tension both within these countries Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, Kenya and across their borders.
On a recent trip to Ethiopia I somehow became involved in the struggle of Somaliland, and I am now working with the Somaliland government and the Somaliland lobby in the US Somaliland Policy and Reconstruction Institute (SOPRI) for the international recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. Even though it effectively functions as a sovereign state, international recognition would be the most beneficial step toward stability in Somalia and the Horn, and eventually African unity, contrary to the belief of many scholars.
Since the issue has started to peak its head into the international news scene, I have been confronted with a number of serious questions which, if answered insufficiently, would make life much harder for Somalilanders and those fighting for Somaliland's independence. To sum it up, are Somaliland's problems big enough to jeopardize its future and the Horn after gaining independence?
Supporters of Somaliland's independence have argued that its democratic record along with its respect for civil liberties are the best in the Horn and a contender among the best in Africa. However, that may not be good enough. Some see Somaliland as a "tinderbox waiting to explode", alleging that its multiparty democracy is being subordinated by clanism, which is one of the key factors that deprives the Transitional Federal Government of legitimacy and perpetuates anarchy in Southern Somalia. Also illuminated has been Somaliland's recent jailing (but relatively prompt release) of party leaders and sporadic accusations of torture. Some even say that Somalilanders opposed to its independence face political trouble.
Supporters also welcome the stabilizing effect that Somaliland's independence will have over Somalia and the Horn of Africa. But renewed fighting in Somaliland's contested Sool and Las Anod regions forces international observers to consider, if Somaliland cannot control all of the territory over which it claims sovereignty then how will it be able to bring unity to Somalia? And how can we be sure that a recognized Somaliland government with augmented resources will not misuse them and become more aggressive towards its neighbors (especially in Somalia) and even its own people?
The line between striving for democracy and power abuse appears to be crossed at times in Somaliland. This does not help plead its case to an international community whose respect for democracy is dubious when key players' interests are not immediately obvious. In Somaliland, these interests are not immediately apparent, if only for the reason that its formal status as a part of Somalia prevents the world from seeing its potential. But because of this, the international community will be much stricter in evaluating Somaliland's request for recognition no matter how strong the historical or legal justification is. In short, Somaliland's fate depends on further efforts toward state-building, primarily that the state increasingly supports broad social interests.
Now it's time to consider the alternatives. First, we can leave Somaliland to the African Union, which has already executed a fact-finding mission suggesting the issue be brought to the floor for a vote. But with the African Union so divided between northern Africa and sub-Saharan Africa there is no incentive for members to pursue Somaliland's independence. Also, the broad African trend of national power consolidation further inhibits state interaction, and right-wing Muslim-African states threatened by the potential of a moderate Islamic state have incentive not to pursue Somaliland's independence. Tensions will certainly remain and will probably increase between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia, despite the internationally-recognized TFG, and the AU will continue to be polarized on such important issues as this, demonstrating its inability to address critical African issues, if even to forego regional differences and uniting to condemn Somaliland's independence.
Sorry Bryden, the time for African Union leadership has passed and the issue will continue to stagnate if left alone. AU leadership is thwarted, some argue, by the maintenance of the oligarchic state. But just as Somaliland has a unique candidacy for recognition so is its potential in African unity. Somaliland's fiercely egalitarian society coupled with what may be called at least a semblance of democracy which is more than any other country in the Horn can muster still make it the best candidate not only for building peace and stability in the Horn but for advancing US interests throughout Africa. At the moment it remains the best policy choice for the US in Africa, abroad, and in the War on Terror because its gains far outweigh the risks.
The AU will not be in a position of unity to act effectively on any issue for some time unless powers outside Africa help with Somaliland's recognition. The political problems in Africa and Somalia stem from oligarchy and anarchy, respectively, both of which keep fellow Africans at a distance from one another and provide more fertile grounds for Islamism without effective redistribution of wealth and little outlet for expression.
Recognizing and partnering with Somaliland legitimizes the alternatives to oligarchy and anarchy and would inspire hope for democracy and liberty at least in the Horn. It would show that the US and the West are interested in providing legitimate opportunities for poor Muslim countries that are threatened by radical Islam. Although it is nowhere near perfect, international recognition will give it the resources, accountability, and backing to improve its record and represent humanity to the region, to the African continent, and to the Arab world.
Now let's consider what will happen if other international powers, such as the US, enter into the picture. If the US took the initiative of establishing diplomatic ties with Somaliland this would put much more pressure on the AU to consider the issue either way, to go against it or to support it. African states care about what others do in Africa. And because the US and the West do not want to be seen as neo-colonial powers, then meaningful multilateral talks between Somaliland and other African countries will happen, effectively leaving Somaliland to establish diplomatic ties with other African countries on its own terms and not those of the US.
Being optimistic, a recognized Somaliland would be able to confront other right-wing Islamist states, especially those in Africa. Like Turkey, Somaliland is a secular, democratic state that straddles two continental regions, the Horn of Africa and the Middle East. Somaliland has the ability to play a unique role in African and Arab affairs, promoting the case for human freedom while understanding the Muslim and African perspective. Just as Turkey is helping to manage the conflict in Iraq, Somaliland would be able to contribute a similar role in regional conflict.
Just as well another secular, democratic, Muslim state could be the beginning of such an alliance that could have sway over other Muslim countries and that is not so hostile to the West. And it should go without mentioning Somaliland's immediate role in helping curb radical Islam in southern Somalia increasingly referred to as the "third front" in the War on Terror by additional US support and the existence of legitimate stability next door.
The worst-case scenario is that the Horn will resume conflict. It could either be between northern and southern Somalis or between a united Somalia and surrounding countries where there are still Somali irredentist claims. The latter, however, is not likely given that a united Somalia would have to take the form of some kind of confederation, thus making it more stable and its foreign policy more deliberate. A confederal Somalia would not disturb its neighbors; a unitary Somalia has and would.
It is still possible that northern and southern Somalia, as well as the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, would engage in conflict. But with Somaliland representing the only recognized and potent force in Somali territory, it would have the upper hand. Just as well, jihad from southern Somalia has only been declared on Ethiopia and would not be declared on a completely Muslim state so, radical Islam does not pose a threat to relations between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia. There is still a sense of Somali brotherhood, and Somaliland has not provoked nor been aggressive toward southern Somalia.
But if southern Somalia were to unite against Somaliland, for whatever reason, it would be strong enough that the international community could pressure meaningful talks between the two. The key is recognizing that while southern Somalis are largely divided it is largely the result of external forces (i.e. political Islam from the Middle East, Eritrea fighting a proxy war with Ethiopia in Somalia, and the international legitimacy given to the unpopular and ineffective TFG). If southern Somalia were to unite then that sense of Somali brotherhood will have trumped conflict as a means of resolution and make it a last resort.
And it is still possible that upon independence Somaliland will squander its resources and itself become part of the Somali legacy of being a collapsed state. This possibility certainly exists, but if it happens it will not necessarily neglect progress made in the Horn. If a recognized Somaliland collapses, then this will reveal problems that need to be solved and that can only come to light under international recognition, such as the notion that clanism is winning over non-clanist party lines.
Similar to the way the UIC in Mogadishu showed its fatal divisions during the intervention of Ethiopia, the Somaliland government will be tested on whether or not competition for access to new resources will increase solidarity among Somalilanders or cause the political system to collapse. Considering that Somaliland will only enter into negotiations with Somalia as equally recognized states, these are necessary trials in order for peace to begin to be restored in the Horn of Africa.
African oligarchy can be threatened, but not necessarily directly by an independent Somaliland. Oligarchy is threatened when the individual is developed in lieu of collectivity. It is not probable that an independent Somaliland will be able to wield the influence necessary to break through different cultures and inspire individualism. And, despite its egalitarian preference, oligarchy is likely to become more prominent with access to more resources.
What an independent Somaliland can offer is the final piece of the African puzzle for Africa and for the US. After Somaliland there will be no other African secessionist groups that have a legal right for recognition. For one, this will allow the AU the energy to solve other issues. Moreover though, at the least it will provide the US with another ally in the Horn that will prove to be more preferable than its current alliance with the TFG.
Africa has shown its tendency toward oligarchy and repressive regimes, even under the guise of democracy. Somaliland does come with baggage that might be a little annoying, to say the least, considering the responsibilities the international community has shown toward recognized countries. But leaving it to the AU is not a viable option. The US should also consider its tarnished reputation in the Muslim world, having directly torn Afghanistan and Iraq apart and indirectly southern Somalia, all to the avail of little or no progress. Many European countries have been deliberating over recognizing Somaliland for years and have sent envoys to investigate its case. But this has also been to little avail and will continue with little action.
The US should spearhead this opportunity to restore its reputation in the Muslim world by becoming involved with a Muslim country (whose case is very good, though not perfect, for advancing the cause of democracy) without an ominous military overtone. It should also ally with like-minded world powers to restore its respect for truly multilateral efforts by working through international bodies such as the AU and by recognizing the place of international conventions, which in fact support Somaliland's independence.
Are my projections too optimistic? Perhaps. But the consequences of complacency justify doing something about the Somaliland question. Otherwise, Somaliland could become involved in a bitter turmoil with southern Somalia, similar to its experience with the oppressive Barre regime in the 1980s and 90s. The AU would not pursue further unity. Also, the US could be one big step closer to losing the War on Terror.
In 1960, former British Somaliland and former Italian Somaliland united into one country called the Somali Republic or Somalia. This was supposed to be the first step towards the reunification of all the five components of the Somali people, who had been fragmented by imperialism. It was hoped that eventually the Somali people of Northeast Kenya, the Somali of the Ogaden in Ethiopia, as well as former French Somaliland (now renamed Djibouti), would be integrated into Greater Somalia.
After a while, the people of former British Somaliland began to feel discriminated against and marginalized by their brothers and sisters of former Italian Somaliland. As relations deteriorated further, separatist sentiment in the former British sub region began to grow. Conflict escalated, including the central government’s air raids on Hargeisa, the regional capital of former British Somaliland. Finally, this Anglophone part seceded completely and named itself the Republic of Somaliland. They have since established a government and have held democratic parliamentary and presidential elections.
Unfortunately for this new “Republic”, the international community does not recognize it as a legitimate state. The African Union and the United Nations still regard it as part of the greater Somalia, which was created in 1960. The new separatist entity has received some sympathy from neighbouring Ethiopia and from the Republic of South Africa, but even these two friends have not extended diplomatic recognition.
The Republic of Somaliland needs friends and allies primarily from among other states. But it also needs friends and allies from international organizations, from prominent citizens of other African countries and from high profile individual celebrities of other societies.
This is where I came in. For about two years, the Republic of Somaliland had been trying to get me to visit their part of the Somali nation. In the year 2005, I finally agreed to go, especially after the precedent set by the visit of former President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia. It was finally agreed that my own visit to Hargeisa would occur in March 2006.
What I had not expected was the high level of protocol accorded to my visit. I was received almost like a Head of State!! Four senior members met me on the tarmac as I descended from the plane. There was a guard of honour, consisting of women singing praise songs. I inspected the guard of honour, accompanied by the Foreign Minister, a distinguished medical woman called Edna Aden Ismail. I was also expected to address a joint session of the two Houses of Parliament the next day, followed by a dinner with the Head of State, President Dahir Rayale Kahin.
Ali Mazrui in conversation with the President of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin,
Hargeisa, March 2006.
On the gender question, I was greatly encouraged that Somaliland had a woman as Foreign Minister when it had taken the United States more than two hundred years to have a woman Secretary of State (Madeleine Albright) under the Administration of Bill Clinton. Minister Edna Aden Ismail spoke four languages fluently (English, French, Arabic, as well as her native Somali), and was manager of a special maternity hospital of her own when state affairs permitted. It was an awe-inspiring performance.
On the gender question, the Legislature was less impressive than the executive branch. Out of the dozens of members of the two Houses of Parliament, women members could be counted on the fingers of one hand at the most. I took the liberty of encouraging both Parliament and the Head of State to set an example to Africa and the Muslim world, by pursuing more enlightened gender policies.
My other main lecture was given at the University of Hargeisa, under the chairmanship of the President of the University. Although my visit to Somaliland was the nearest thing to a state visit, my official hosts were an academic institution - the Somaliland Academy of Peace and Development (APD), assisted by the African Renaissance Center.
In my two lectures (to Parliament and to the University), I referred to other states which had started as one and have since become two separate countries – such as Senegal and Mali, Pakistan and Bangladesh, Czech Republic and Slovak Republic and Malaysia and Singapore.
I also discussed the name of their Somaliland Republic. They could retain the historical name of Somaliland (although the suffix “land” was too English and too colonial). Or they could call themselves The Republic of Northern Somalia (similar to the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus). But, in solidarity with a dozen other Muslim societies, they could call also themselves The Republic of Somalistan (such as Pakistan, I had a separate session with intellectuals of Hargeisa. We debated the concept of “clash of civilizations” and whether or not the Somali people were caught up in it. I was also driven to Somaliland’s second city, the Port of Berbera. When restored to full operation, the Port would be invaluable, not only to Somaliland, but also to neighbouring Ethiopia. The people of Somaliland are probably already the most Ethiopia-friendly Somalis in centuries! I was introduced to Ethiopia’s official representative in Hargeisa.
He was not yet called “Ambassador”. I believe his title at the time was “Liaison Officer for Ethiopia”. He seemed quite popular in Hargeisa. On my way back to the United States, I stopped for an extra night in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Professor Iqbal Jhazbhay of the University of South Africa had helped to arrange my program in Ethiopia, as well as my trip to Somaliland. In Addis Ababa, I had consultations with senior civil servants of the African Union. The main items on the agenda were (a) the future of Somaliland; (b) the future of the Group of Eminent Persons on Reparations for African peoples. This latter group (of which I am a member) was created at a summit meeting of the Organization of African Unity meeting in Dakar, Senegal, in 1992. The new African Union [created ten years later] seemed to be ambivalent about financing this group. I was recently seeking clarification from the African Union. I was assured that the work of our Group on Reparations was still valid,
but the African Union was short of resources. I was promised further clarification later.
Since I returned from Somaliland I have been paying the political price for my visit to Somaliland. I have been receiving hostile e-mails from pro-unity Somalis, denouncing me for “lending legitimacy to secessionism and tribalism”. In replying to one of the e-mails I politely suggested that since Hargeisa was peaceful and Mogadishu was conflict-ridden, should not Mogadishu try to learn something from Hargeisa (Somalis learning from Somalis)? Unfortunately, my suggestion was regarded as adding insult to injury!
Ali Mazrui(Center) addressing the Joint Session of the two Houses of Parliament, Hargeisa, Somaliland, 2006.
Diaspora and State formation
Diaspora and its role in establishing new regional veterinary institutions. The case of the Sheikh Technical Veterinary School Project. by Dr Abdi Osman Haji-Abdi, Sheikh Technical Veterinary School, Somaliland.
Introduction and Background
The devastation, problems and predicament facing the 'failed state' of Somalia after a long-lasting civil war and political unrest are indeed enormous and the challenge to reconstruct the country is great. Despite the pervasive and widespread annihilation that characterizes what was formerly known as the Somali Republic, there exist vestigial traces of some of the most intrinsic features of the Somali people such as high self-esteem, resilience, optimism, creativity and versatility, which have not been scarred and survived the war. It is these traits of its human resources that give credence to a rapid reconstruction and resurrection of the currently shattered country, thus making Somalia once again a peaceful, prosperous, and glamorous pace in the Horn of Africa. It should be borne in mind that only after the Somalis capitalize on these positive attributes and instigate themselves the hazardous task of reconstruction task could the eventual support and assistance of the international community be secured. In other words, the hope to rebuild Somalia lies in the first place with the Somali people themselves. The framework for planning and coordination of Somalia's reconstruction and rehabilitation has the specific objectives of establishing a common vision of economic, environmental and social reconstruction and identification of priorities for long-term recovery and key performance indicators in meeting these priority needs.
Let me first begin my presentation with some statistics, which you presumably have heard several times during this conference. Even before the outbreak of the civil war and the subsequent collapse of the Somali state in 1991, Somalia was with an estimated per capita GDP of 170 USD, one of the poorest countries in the world. Agriculture was and still is the principal economic activity, employing about ¨ú of the population and contributing to more than 65% of GDP. Within agriculture, nomadic livestock production accounts for more than 44% of GDP and about half of the population is engaged in this sub-sector.
Most of Somalia consists of arid and semi-arid rangelands, making migratory pastoral production systems with domestic ruminants the most appropriate form of land use. Under these circumstances livestock is the key to the survival for large segments of the population. Nomads and agro-pastoralists are heavily dependent on milk, meat and marketable animals for their food supply and also for their other needs. In addition to being the main source of Somali livelihoods, the livestock export sector contributes 80% of the exports and is thus the main source of country's foreign currency earnings. Taxation of livestock trade and export is also one of the major sources of income for local administration.
Despite the overwhelming significance of nomadic pastoralism to Somali economy, the sector is affected by a number of technical and institutional constraints that seriously jeopardize its long-term viability. It is not my intention here to provide a detailed account for the multiplicity of constraints that hamper the potential productivity and efficient economic performance of this sub-sector, but rather to emphasize its institutional shortcomings and put forward some of the solutions perceived by the current project in alleviating these pitfalls.
In addition to the technical constraints undermining the sustainability of the export-oriented livestock economy of Somalia, the lack of effective and effective supportive institutional veterinary services exacerbate the already precarious situation of the sector.
Generally speaking, the ramifications of the war on the institutional infrastructure of the country as a whole were devastating and are not only confined to the veterinary sector. However, the particular emphasis on veterinary institutions results from the overriding importance of the sector to the whole economy and livelihood of its population.
In the light of the breakdown of law and order, the absence of a central institutions and the endemic sense of insecurity, new institutional structures are required to respond to these uncertainties.
The provision of strong and functional veterinary institutions becomes self-evident when one considers the inherent institutional limitations affecting the veterinary sector. These include, inter alia:
* Absence of veterinary training institutions, disease diagnostic and surveillance services, certification and disease control centres, ever since the collapse of the central government in 1991
* Lack of qualified veterinarians that could replace the ageing professionals. The exodus of the most qualified veterinary professionals from the country has created a serious shortage of competent professionals and has aggravated the human resources situation
* Absence of Somali veterinary professionals from the international scene and fora and the concomitant knowledge gap.
* Imposition (and persistence) of successive export bans of Somali livestock due to the alleged existence of infectious diseases and lack of proper certification procedures
Terra Nuova and UNA, two Italian NGOs, that have accumulated considerable experience in the rehabilitation of the Somali livestock sector have recognized the strong need for a rapid intervention and proposed the establishment of a technical veterinary training centre in Somalia as the first step towards revitalizing the export-oriented pastoral economy of Somalia.
The Sheikh Technical Veterinary School Project in brief:
The overall objective of Sheikh Technical Veterinary School, hereafter STVS, is to ensure that the Somali people gain access to better veterinary services in order to safeguard public health, improve livestock production and performance and sustain livestock export. The establishment of a technical veterinary training centre for prospective Somali veterinarians in the small and renowned town of Sheikh, Somaliland, was envisaged as a means to the end mentioned above. The school will conduct a three-year veterinary diploma course. After a successful completion of the first two years of pre-clinical studies, students might continue specialized university training in neighbouring countries or abroad or enroll in a third year to specialize in veterinary clinical work or meat inspection. The school is envisaged to act as a reference center for pastoral production systems in the region comprising the Somali ecosystem and is open to all secondary school leavers from Somalia proper and other students from neighbouring countries (i.e. Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti). The regional character of the school is reflected by the composition of the first row of students enrolled this year: they comprise students from Somaliland, Puntland, Northern Region of Kenya.
It will serve as an important link and a forum of exchange of veterinary and livestock-related information between Somalia and the outside world. The technical cadres graduating from the school will replace the ageing professionals and initiate the formation of a critical mass of veterinarians for the country. It is anticipated that the skills and technical knowledge acquired by the school graduates will enable them to overcome some of the most limiting production and health constraints affecting currently the livestock sector.The role of the Somali diaspora in the reconstruction and development of Somalia, in general and STVS, in particular.
A) Diaspora and development in general
Today, a considerable number of Somalis live outside their ancestral homeland and are spread across the globe, but most of them can be found in Europe and North America. Just like other immigrants, Somalis made their way to their present home countries as a result of repressive regimes, upheavals and major conflicts which engulfed their countries.
The contribution of Somali diaspora to their country has until now been concentrated on extending aid and relief to their brethrens in the form of remittances. For many families, this money sent by relatives overseas spells the difference between relative poverty and total indigence. The remittances from the diaspora , which is estimated at about half a billion dollars, support the local economy. The strong purchasing power of the diaspora also allows Somalia to sustain high trade figure. The Somali diaspora has heavily invested in all fields of trade, particularly telecommunication and thriving Telecom companies keep the country wired with cell phones, email and satellite television.
In economic terms, the Somali economy is indirectly embracing globalization, while the political system is becoming more localized and fractured. The shift of power from tribal elders, warlords and militiamen to business-oriented diaspora, Islamic charities and civil society groups is becoming more evident in this political localization process.
The Somali diaspora has furthermore, significantly contributed to the process of regional integration, and indirectly conflict minimization, by establishing multi-national companies through closer financial and technical co-operation between ethnic Somali diasporas of different nations. The improving diplomatic and relationship and growing trade ties between Somaliland and neighbouring Ethiopia in recent times has replaced century-old animosities and can be considered as an important precursor to the process of regional integration facilitated by the diaspora.
In socio-cultural terms, the impact of the diaspora on the Somali society can't be overlooked. Through the diaspora, the Somali society is getting more involved with the western world. In the education system, English is replacing Somali in many of the proliferating private schools throughout Somalia.
The role of the diaspora in generating development through brain gain, i.e. reversing the notion of brain drain, and know-know transfer is taking new dimensions and gaining more and more in importance. Whereas in previous times talented professionals from the developing world have migrated westbound and reduced their ties with the homeland to remittances, today a new pattern has emerged: a brain gain that provides opportunities for development of the country of origin and propelled by the diaspora. Tapping the capital, know-how of this new breed of expatriates for development generation in the developing world is imperative and of utmost priority.
Somali diaspora have initiated and realized projects like rebuilding the hospitals, medical relief, schools and universities. The establishment of the universities of Hargeisa and Amoud in Somaliland demonstrate how specific and dedicated diaspora groups from widely different regions represent knowledge networks in action and the role they could play in fostering educational progress back home.
B) The specific role of the diaspora in STVS
Recognizing the crucial importance of the Somali diaspora to the homeland reconstruction and development through its gained experience and know-how, valuable networks and international contacts, and access to significant sources of capital and technology, the implementing NGOs of the STVS project, i.e. Terra Nuova and UNA, have from the very beginning of the project inception, pleaded for the inclusion of qualified and dedicated Somali diaspora into the prospective tutorial staff of the school. The position was widely advertised in selected newspapers and specific Somali web sites so that competent professionals are drawn from the Somali region and Somali diaspora. Three individuals from the diaspora group, including me were successful in securing the position. Apart from the diaspora group, a group of three Somali national professionals who were previously engaged in teaching activities of the veterinary faculty of the Somali National University in Mogadishu, constitute t he tutorial team of STVS.
Although the school has not yet been fully operational due to unexpected and perpetuating delays regarding fund procurement by the donors, the tutors have been working meticulously over the past 18 months in developing a comprehensive three-year school curriculum that could best reflect the ecological, economical realities that characterize the export-oriented pastoral production system prevailing in the Somali ecosystem, as well as epizootic diseases that are of considerable relevance to the export-oriented livestock industry. Instead of being accused of plagiarizing the curriculum of similar veterinary institutions, the STVS tutorial team has embarked on the daunting task of starting the current curriculum from scratch. This painstaking and cumbersome venture was chosen after we, in retrospect, have unanimously acknowledged the inherent shortcomings and severe drawbacks of the widespread and purely content-based curriculum, which in Somalia represents the mainstream meth od of curriculum conceptualization. The way a curriculum is conceptualized in theory and subsequently designed, organized and developed for practical implementation is largely determined by one's answers to some fundamental questions of curriculum as to what should be taught, why, to whom, how (i.e. in what manner), and where.
In the case of content-centred curriculum, particular emphasis is laid on the knowledge, which is mistakenly treated as having intrinsic value, to be taught and the student is reduced to a more or less recipient of externally derived information. Instead of the content-centred curriculum with its emphasis on knowledge per se, we decided to devise our curriculum by putting more emphasis on: the organization of teaching/learning process, structure and sequence of learning and the organization of learning/teaching materials. Enquiry, rather than knowledge, becomes the focal point and the goal of education is learning how to learn. In other words, the acquisition of knowledge is treated as a means to an end rather than as an end as in the content approach.
The urgent for students of veterinary medicine and natural resource management to develop problem-solving and critical thinking competencies and skills has been taken into full account in this effort of curriculum revitalization. In contrast to the fragmentary nature of the traditional subject-divided curriculum, we strived for an integrated curriculum by organizing ideas and subjects and disciplines.
We believe that this relatively innovative and pioneering approach towards curriculum development as adopted by our team will alleviate in the short and medium term the purported deficiencies inherent in previous school curricula, thereby ensuring its widespread adoption by educational planners and vocational trainers.
In addition to the great contributions made by the Somali diaspora representatives within the STVS to the development of an integrated curriculum for the school, the daspora has capitalized on their valuable networks and contacts overseas and exploited this comparative advantage for the purposes of school. The diaspora's former linkages with international institutions and alma mater has enabled members of the tutorial team to participate in international and regional conferences on veterinary medicine and related fields. The re-emergence of Somali professionals in international and regional fora was becoming a reality thank the international links of the diaspora group. Our mere participation in these regional and international events has enabled us to promote the school by launching a popularization campaign for the STVS project and the need for their assistance and cooperation in its full realization. My presence in Aalborg and participation in this conference should be regarded as an opportune moment for continuing this policy of popularization and questyou're your assistance.
Some challenges and obstacles facing the Somali diaspora in reconstruction and development Notwithstanding the dire need for the Somali diaspora and their undisputed role in rehabilitation and development of Somalia, there are, however, a number of factors that might hamper their maximum utilization for the development task. It should, however, be borne in mind, that the challenges and obstacles mentioned reproduce personal perceptions and experience and are therefore relative and subjective. In other words, individuals are different in assessing challenges and obstacles in accordance to their expectations, aptitudes, resilience. Below, some of these challenges are stated briefly:
The transnational character of the diaspora:
Broadly speaking, the extent of assimilation of a diaspora member in his host country, and hence resultant attitude of the individual towards the host country and its society, determines his/her willingness to repatriate for ever. Assimilation is largely determined by the length of the period spent in the country. One can generalize by saying that the more the individual is assimilated, the more reluctant one becomes to repatriate forever.
Conflict of interest within the family
- Skilled professionals who are basically willing to repatriate are sometimes hindered by the utter desire of his/her partner or children to stay further in the host country
- Financial and commensurate remuneration packages
- More often, the lack of financial incentives and relatively inappropriate remuneration packages discourage many skilled returnees to stay the home country for longer periods.
- Institutional, political and socio-economic determinants security and rule of law and order, personal freedom of expression, justice, availability of medical care and educational infrastructure, gender equality, liberal trade policies, are some of the factors primarily considered when one thinks of repatriation.
Professional barriers:
From a professional point of view, there exist serious constraints to the realization of the so-called brain gain. These include:
* Absence of basic infrastructure and facilities that would be conducive to the practical application and documentation of the repertoire of the specific knowledge acquired and further research activities. Under such circumstances, the following outcomes are conceivable:
* Frustration and the apparent justification for resuming an outbound migration, thus reversing the brain gain into brain drain
* Innovativeness and improvisation. The limitations imposed by the existing environment to research and knowledge application can create ingenuity and creativity.
* The uniqueness of the diaspora in many aspects relating to problem-solving approaches, critical thinking and analytical skills, interpersonal communication and in scientific discussions, all of which can be regarded as a cumulative product resulting from their exposure and interaction with the outside world, can sometimes be conceived by the national peers as arrogance intrinsic in the diaspora. This leads to polarization and complicates a fruitful cooperation between the team.
Hargeisa, Somaliland is the epic centre of the practice of fgm. The highest rate of the most sever type is inflicted on four year old girls. The Edna Adan Maternity Hospital for Poor Women situated in Hargeisa, trains nurses that we can hire - why? Because nurses from Hargeisa are the best women to talk to the women in Hargeisa. Their education will eventually rub off of the whole society.
My vision is that the FGM Intercultural Society rent a space from the Hospital. Then we hire Edna's nurses to explain the effects of harmful traditional practices. Working from the Maternity Hospital gives direct access to the women visiting the hospital and going into the community in teams of two could be an other outreach program. The nurses wages are approximately $350cdn a month per nurse.
This would be a great opportunity for students writing a thesis, doctor's nurses, journalist and photographers. I really believe that the local nurses are our best bet for getting this message across. And that the making of the video could generate enough funds to hire many nurses. Why stop in Hargeisa? This is a groundbreaking idea, and a first for Canada. Why don't you get involved? Keep scrolling down the page for details on the Edna Ismail Maternity Hospital for Poor Women.
ANY HELP YOU CAN GIVE US, BRINGS US THAT MUCH CLOSER TO THE GOAL ....PLEASE LETS STOP CUTTING THESE LITTLE GIRLS TODAY.
The Edna Adan Maternity Hospital is a facility that has been conceived and donated by Edna Adan Ismail. The hospital provides much-needed Maternal and Child Health Care services and provides teaching for health workers. Take a look at Edna Adan's website. Not only has this women, erected, maintained, and still works tirelessly for this hospital, but she is also the Foreign Minister for Somaliland.
Situated in Hargeisa in Northern Somalia, it is a commercial center and watering place for nomadic stock herders. The town is a transportation hub and has an international airport. The city is the capital of the independent "Somaliland Republic" formed May 18, 1991.
HOW MUCH DOES THIS COST
We can hire a nurse from the Maternity Hospital for roughly $350cdn. It was stricktly by coincidence that about the same time (l998), Edna's hospital started to be built, that I found out about FGM. The operating costs of the FGM Society is covered by myself, Gillian P. Meyer, Executive Director, Founder.
Of Somaliland’s estimated population of three million, over half are involved in nomadic pastoralism and another quarter in agro-pastoralism, making it one of the most pastorally oriented territories anywhere. Prolong drought and environmental degradation in Somaliland, coupled with other factors such as war and internal conflicts, livestock ban, inadequate land use policies and lack of capacities for governance of local resources have all combined to cause the gradual erosion of Somaliland pastoralists’ livelihoods.
PENHA has responded to this crisis by developing Pastoralists poverty alleviation programme’ funded by the Baring Foundation. The project’s activities began with PENHA and ICD action-oriented research study on the state of pastoralism in Somaliland in mid 2000 entitled ‘Promotion of Pastoralists Understanding through Research and Training’ with the aim to identify Somaliland pastoralists’ problems and needs.
The action research aimed to:
- Produce reliable information on which to base project designs and their implementation;
- Promote a debate within Somaliland on the role of pastoralism in the economy;
- Enhance the capacity of local community-based and non-governmental organisations working with pastoralists at the grassroots level.
The research generated reliable information upon which the project designs and their implementation were based and culminated in the presentation of the findings at two workshops: a National workshop in Burao in December 2000 (in Somali) and an International workshop in Hargeisa in January 2001 (in English). The research and the two workshop recommendations formed the basis for PENHA’s strategy for the development of the Baring Foundation funded programmes. Follow up consultation exercises in 2001 with pastoralists communities provided the basis for the development of actions needed for alleviating the problems facing Somaliland Pastoralists. The consultation exercises provided opportunity for Pastoralists to share concerns about the fact that no organization was meeting their needs and asked for responsive action for helping them deal with some of the perennial problems they face.
The results indicated that nomadic pastoralism in Somaliland was under threat from a number of natural and human problems, including:
- Diminishing water resources caused by water run-off, itself exacerbated by the removal of acacia trees for charcoal production;
- Environmental degradation, including severe erosion caused by the water run-off;
- Enclosure of what was formerly rangeland with the effect that common land was becoming unavailable for pasturage and the movement of animals was being restricted;
- The ban on livestock import by Gulf countries under the pretext of Rift Valley Fever caused difficulties throughout the region, with the negative effect on Somaliland pastoralists;
- Increased population pressure and a rapid process of urbanisation driven by the prolonged civil conflict had significantly weakened the institutions of pastoral society, to the degree that a generation of young Somalis had little or no experience of pastoralism as a viable livelihood (and equally little experience of any viable urban-based alternative);
- Poor livestock infrastructure, especially export and veterinary facilities, once again a direct result of years of state failure and an absence of formal regulatory or policy framework enabling pastoralists to interact with the governments and people of neighbouring nations.
2. Programmes Delivered.
Three year funding support from the Baring Foundation has enabled PENHA Somaliland to deliver Pastoralists poverty alleviation and environmental rehabilitation programmes with special focus on:
- Capacity-building programmes (primarily training workshops) for pastoralists, local NGOs and CBOs and relevant government ministries – most particularly the Ministry for Pastoral Development and the Environment;
- Lobbying and networking on land tenure issues, rangeland policy and other policy issues that affect pastoralists’ livelihoods;
- Assistance for the Somaliland Government in the development of appropriate policies relating to issues of significance to pastoralists;
- Environmental protection and rehabilitation programmes, including the reintroduction, management and improvement of grazing reserves including the Ban Awl reserve
- Provision of micro-credit to pastoralist women for recipients to be engaged in small businesses to mitigate against pastoralists livelihood problems and economic hardship brought by the ban imposed on Somaliland pastoralists’ livestock export by Saudi Arabia. (Women were targeted, as recipients of the micro credit funds because the resultant percentage of women ultimately contributing to household welfare (i.e. improving the food security of whole families) has consistently been shown to be greater than is the case where men are also eligible to receive credit. A particular perceived problem in Somaliland lies in the fact that in recent years, kat consumption has increased markedly amongst males, with concomitant fears that this would prove a further diversion for the use of funds for the purchase and consumption of kat).
- Facilitation of exchange visits between Somaliland and Ethiopia pastoral communities: a group of pastoralists from Somaliland visited the Filtu project area and a return visit is planned.
- In 2004, PENHA in collaboration of its partner agencies undertook relief work for Somaliland communities affected by recent drought. The relief activities included the delivery of food and human and veterinary medicine to drought-affected communities in the Sanaag and Togdheer regions.
- The Baring Foundation grant also enabled PENHA Somaliland and the University of Hargeisa to begin preliminary work for the establishment of a Pastoralist Centre on the University campus to promote and lead research and teaching on pastoralism and the environment, land use and range management. The centre is planned as a regional centre of excellence on pastoralism and pastoralist issues, with the hope that, in the future, it will become a resource accessible to students, academics, researchers, NGOs, CBOs and the civil society / public in the Horn of Africa.
Project’s Impact
The project’s activities were conceived to produce medium to long term impact. However the evaluation report recently submitted to the Baring Foundation provides information on some of the short term impact of the 3 year activities. Examples include how the environmental protection and rangeland Resource Management Techniques such as the closure of grazing reserve and environmental rehabilitation works undertaken including the construction of water harvesting contours is helping to:
- Reduce environmental degradation and soil erosion problems and conserving diminishing water resource caused by the cutting down of trees for charcoal production
- Combat desertification in the project’s intervention area and serving as a requisite for the future sustainability of the pastoral communities and their production systems. The soil and water conservation measures has reduced water runoff and erosion in the rangeland areas through the construction of eighty bunds that is helping to regenerate vegetation growth and for the increase of fodder supply for livestock through the grazing reserve system developed
There has also been a marked increase of pastoralist household income generating activity through the promotion of micro credit activities for pastoralists women.
The Development of pastoralists rangeland policy for relevant government ministries is also helping pastoralists to gain access and use of rangelands that were previously closed and producing conflicts over land use
The project’s capacity building programmes included the development of pastoralists forums and pastoral leadership structures, developed through the establishment of pastoral associations have given opportunity for the mobilisation of Somaliland pastoralists communities to lobby and campaign central and local governments about their needs and developmental aspirations and for allocation of government resources and intervention measures.
Name: Noah Amin
Profession: Water Quality Specialist
Contact: noahark2000@gmail.com. October 13, 2006
Somaliland Water Scarcity And The Challenges Of The MDGs
Meeting Basic Needs: For Safe And Sufficient Water And Sanitation
Abstract:
Water, the source and origin of all life, is scarce in Somaliland. The country lies within the tropical monsoon region. So, water scarcity is a major deterrent to sustainable socio-economic development in the country and to this date, success in the development of water systems remains elusive.
In addition, a 1997/2000 inconclusive survey by the government (Somaliland) shows that the area's water quality is too poor indicating that most of the country's drinking water sources are unfit for direct human consumption. In fact, access to safe water is limited to only 20% for urban areas. And of the 60% of the nomadic population who raise agriculture and livestock, less than 10% has access to safe water when almost none has access to sanitation.
Consequently, many water-related diseases are rife, endemic and epidemic in Somaliland with high morbidity/mortality rates causing many pre-mature deaths of 138/1000, Oxfam 1992(limited information says diarrhea alone claims about 100,000 mostly children in Somalia, nationwide). Considering this water scarcity and the need to provide coverage for Somaliland people by 2025 to meet the Millennium Developmental Goals and the World Summit For Sustainable Development targets set for Sub-Saharan Africa, the World Community, NEPAD, AMCOW, Africa Water Task Force etc. have major moral leadership challenges/obligations waiting ahead especially if this fledgling democracy is to meet those goals.
Introduction:
Water is life. All living things humans, animals, plants as well as the ecosystems depend on water for survival and existence. Fortunately, it is plenty in nature as the hydrosphere covers over 70% of the earth. But 97.47% is salty and more than two-thirds of the remainder is trapped in poles as ice and snow and in deep underground. Less than 1% is accessible.
In addition, worldwide, freshwater is hugely distributed uneven. It is this poor distribution, the geometrical growth of world population and man' activities that further reduce freshwater resources quantity and quality causing water scarcity crisis worldwide. Water, What Is It? Water is a unique blend of colorless, odorless liquid. It is not a living particle but there is no life without it too. Water is also unique in both its physical and chemical properties as it is one of the few substances that expand on cooling to zero degrees centigrade, a condition that facilitates ice to float so that life in oceans and seas is preserved...large bodies of water covered with masses of ice and snow do still provide enough warmth for undersea flora and fauna and still maintain enough dissolved oxygen that is so essential to the survival life. Were it not this uniqueness, oceans, seas and all bodies of water would freeze from bottom up killing lives in it. Blocks of ice and snow would stay unmelted even during hot summers creating drastic climatic change as there would be less water evaporation resulting less precipitation. Water is also unique as it has a moderating effect for it can absorb a lot of heat without itself becoming warmer. This alone can justify why bodies of water remain cool when adjacent sand beaches may fry your bare feet.
In addition, during evaporation, water absorbs heat and escapes into the atmosphere. But when it comes down as rain, the same heat is dissipated back to the atmosphere. Water acts as an energy custodian and as a liquid that is in the oceans, seas and in the air, it acts as a thermostat that regulates heat. Water is also a universal solvent and all living things depend on it for food assimilation that is so important for sustenance and growth.
Water Is Life:
Water is the source and origin of all life! All living things depend on water for survival and existence. On the average, our body is 75-85% water. Unlike hunger, which our body can survive for several weeks as the body possesses sufficient reserves, a lack of water will lead to certain death within days as our body cannot retain any water reserves. (Peter Gleick of Pacific Institute of Oakland, California regards 20-40 liters per person per day, as the minimum to meet all person's needs).
In addition, we need water for keeping clean and we need it for farming. Water helps insure that all living things assimilate food nutrients without which life on this earth would be impossible.
Biochemical/biological reactions that take place during metabolism and growth of living cells (plant and animal) take place only in aqueous media. With the help of water through osmosis, chlorophyll and sun light, plants absorb nutrients/minerals to build simple sugars. And water helps our body discharge its wastes. It lubricates our systems, keeps them free from waste and maintains a normal body. Water is also a critical component of most global systems, such as climate, vegetation and erosion and human disturbances of one part of the water cycle inevitably have impacts in others. Water Availability In Somaliland Worldwide, freshwater is hugely distributed uneven. In addition, pollution and high population growth rate further reduce freshwater resources quantity and quality. It is the sum of these problems that cause water scarcity crisis worldwide. Somaliland is located in the Horn of Africa.its boundaries are defined by the Gulf of Aden in the north; Somalia in the east, Ethiopia in the south and west and Djibouti in the northwest (it lies between latitudes 80 27north and longitudes 420 35 east). And though it is in the tropical monsoon climate zone, water availability is a major issue as rainfall is extremely low and variable the country's average annual rainfall is only 253mm with no major perennial rivers while the potential evapotransportation is above 2000 mm per year. So, the country is water scarce water scarcity happens when a country has less than 1000M3 per person per year (the 2,800 calories a person needs a day for adequate nourishment requires a minimum of 1000M3 of water). Somaliland experiences four seasons; only Gu (spring) is rainy (March-May). Hagaa (summer) June-August, is hot and dry and Dyr (fall) late August-November; is cool though occasionally rainy and the Jilaal or winter December- late March is dry. In fact, the country suffers from different types of scarcities (i) natural water scarcity due to its unfavorable arid climate (ii) demographic scarcity because of its huge livestock populations (iii) technical scarcity because of its low level of development. And it is not only lacking available water resources, it is also desperately lacking trained manpower and financial resources to set up institutions that can develop badly needed infrastructure. In addition, drought with scaring effects and its major impacts on people's and animal life is another feature of the country's physical environment. For instance, severe droughts followed by occasional torrential rainfall kill hundreds of people and thousands of livestock and any sign of it is often received with dread and worry. Prayers and sacrifice for rain are therefore common and the onset of rain is often viewed as the single most important event of the year. So, today, groundwater constitutes the principal source of potable water in most areas and is in fact, the basic component in most of the country'ps water needs particularly during droughts and with the exception of seasonal rainfall it is the major source.
Fortunately, a 1999 UN studies on groundwater, show that there is sufficient quantity of water to cover the domestic needs of the whole population but in spring, excess rainfall water has been getting discharged into the seas after coursing its way through the drains. In effect, it is possible to prevent this wastage of water by storing it during the rainy season for use as drinking water during the dry seasons; or for allowing it to seep underground in dry areas as a measure of maintaining adequate levels of ground water. This water can subsequently be recharged or pumped up for irrigational or drinking purposes Somaliland must harvest this by capturing it and allowing it to percolate down into aquifers or store in dams and reservoirs. But, authorities must realize that doing so requires caution as it may cause environmental degradation due to the potential influx of huge livestock and people due to the availability of water. In Somaliland, access to enough water is limited and the country'smain export is dependent on rainfall for adequate pastures and watering. Urban and rural communities access to safe water in most cases is restricted especially in dry seasons access is typically available for only about 20% of the population in the urban areas and almost nothing exists for the rural community. So, rural communities depend on four sources of water: the dry wells, the springs, open water holes (ballays; berkads) and boreholes. Most villages use berkads, ballays and boreholes or shallow wells.
The United States government should officially recognize the independence of Somaliland, a moderate Muslim democracy in the Horn of Africa. Such an argument may seem counterintuitive at a time when tensions are rising in the region. But I submit that it is precisely because of those rising tensions that it is time for the Bush administration to act, especially if it is truly serious about democracy promotion, counter-terrorism, and curtailing the spread of Islamic fundamentalism.
Why does Somaliland deserve U.S. recognition?
First and foremost, it is important to recollect that, after achieving independence from British colonial rule on June 26, 1960, Somaliland was duly recognized as a sovereign entity by the United Nations and thirty-five countries, including the United States. Several days later, on July 1, the independent country of Somaliland voluntarily joined with its newly independent southern counterpart (the former UN Trust Territory of Somalia that was a former Italian colony) to create the present-day Republic of Somalia. Somalilanders rightfully note that they voluntarily joined a union after independence, and that, under international law, they should (and do) have the right to abrogate that union, as they did in 1991. Examples abound in the second half of the twentieth century of international recognition of countries that have emerged from failed federations or failed states, including East Timor, Eritrea, Gambia, and the successor states of the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. The same legal principle should be applied to Somaliland.
The political basis for Somaliland’s claim is that the voluntary union of 1960 was derailed in 1969 by a military coup d’etat in Mogadishu that ushered in more than two decades of brutal military rule under the dictatorship of General Mohamed Siyad Barre. Himself a southerner, Barre destroyed the foundations of the north-south democratic compact, most notably by unleashing a murderous campaign (bordering on genocide) against northern civilians that resulted in more than 50,000 deaths and created over 500,000 refugees as part of a widening civil war during the 1980s. Even after Barre was overthrown in 1991 by a coalition of guerrilla armies, including the northern-based Somali National Movement (SNM), northern expectations of a government of national unity were dashed when southern guerrilla movements reneged on an earlier agreement and unilaterally named a southerner president, which in turn was followed by the intensification of inter and intra-clan conflict in the south. Nearly thirty years of unfulfilled promises and brutal policies ripped the fabric of the already fragile north-south political compact. A “point of no return” had been reached for Somalilanders intent on reasserting their country’s independence. In May 2001, a popular mandate was given to dissolving the union, when a resounding number of ballots cast (97 percent) in a national Somaliland referendum favored the adoption of a new constitution that explicitly underscored Somaliland’s independence.
Somaliland deserves recognition if the Bush administration is truly sincere about promoting democracy in the wider Middle East. In sharp contrast to southern Somalia where instability and crisis have reigned and in fact intensified in the last fifteen years, Somaliland has established a democratic polity that, if recognized, would make it the envy of democracy activists in the Muslim world. The essence of Somaliland’s successful democratization was captured by U.S.-based International Republican Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy in convening a September 2006 panel discussion on Somaliland. They wrote that “Somaliland’s embrace of democracy, its persistence in holding round after round of elections, both winners and losers abiding by the rules, the involvement of the grassroots, the positive role of traditional authorities, the culture of negotiation and conflict resolution, the temperance of ethnicity or clan affiliation and its deployment for constructive purposes, the adaptation of modern technology, the conservative use of limited resources, and the support of the diaspora and the professional and intellectual classes are some of the more outstanding features of Somaliland’s political culture that are often sorely lacking elsewhere.”
Somaliland also deserves recognition from a purely U.S.-centric national security perspective. The Somaliland government and population embody a moderate voice in the Muslim world that rejects radical interpretations of Islam, including that espoused by various portions of the Council of Somali Islamic Courts (CSIC) currently in control of Mogadishu and its environs. It would serve as a bulwark against the further expansion of radical ideologies in the Horn of Africa by offering a shining example (along with Mali and Senegal and other predominantly Muslim Sub-Saharan African democracies) of how Islam and democracy are not mutually exclusive, but rather mutually reinforcing. Somaliland leaders are also eager to cooperate with the Bush administration in a variety of counter-terrorism measures, including working with the Combined Joint Task Force—Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based in Djibouti. They are currently prohibited from doing so due to U.S. legislation that prevents cooperation with unrecognized Somaliland authorities.
The critiques of the pro-independence position are numerous, but don’t stand up to close examination. One strand of thought is that Somaliland is not economically viable. This position is reminiscent of claims made by Europeans during the 1950s with respect to their African colonies, with the aim of delaying independence throughout Africa. In any case, the argument is belied by Somaliland’s creation of a highly self-sufficient, well-functioning economy even though it has no access to the economic benefits that would come with statehood, such as access to loans from international financial institutions.
A second critique, typically offered by African policymakers, is that recognition of Somaliland will “open a pandora’s box” of secessionist claims throughout Africa. However, as in the case of Eritrea, which gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993, the Somaliland case does not call into question the African mantra of the “inviolability of frontiers” inherited at independence. The north-south union followed the independence and recognition of both the British and Italian Somali territories, and its dissolution therefore would constitute a unique case of returning to the boundaries inherited from the colonial era.
Others, especially those connected to UN efforts throughout the Horn of Africa, argue that recognition will derail the UN-sponsored “building blocks” approach to national reconciliation that includes the reconstitution of a central government in Mogadishu. This approach, however, has been an utter failure, as witnessed by the short-lived Transitional National Government (TNG) and its replacement by a Transitional Federal Government (TFG), the authority of which extends little beyond the town of Baidoa. What authority it has is largely due to the intervention of Ethiopian troops opposed to the further expansion of the Islamic Courts. It is time to recognize that the UN-sponsored “building blocks” cannot be stacked together to create a reunified central authority in Mogadishu.
A fourth critique claims that the “time is not right” for recognition because it will further intensify the widening crisis between the Islamic Courts and the TFG, and between their respective regional and international supporters. This argument has been heard repeatedly in the last fifteen years whenever efforts at reconstructing a unified central government were thought to be on the “verge of success.” Success has proved elusive over all this time, however, and it is now clear that southern Somalia will remain in crisis regardless of what is done with respect to Somaliland recognition. The most dire prediction of some Somali watchers is that the Islamic Courts movement will emerge victorious in the current conflict, assert its control over all Somali territories outside of Somaliland, and then threaten open warfare with Somaliland to bring it back into the Somali fold. If this should happen, it will likely be too late for the United States or others to intervene in a timely and effective manner to prevent Somaliland’s absorption into an Islamist Somalia. This reality makes recognition all the more urgent.
One of the more nuanced critiques of recognition is that loyalty to Somaliland in its eastern districts of Sanaag and Sool is contested, especially among the Warsengeli and Dhulbahante clans, and that any movement toward independence would potentially require the redrawing of Somaliland’s eastern boundary – which the leadership in Hargeysa ( Somaliland’s capital) is unwilling to entertain. It is important to reiterate that Somaliland’s current boundaries are those of the original British Somaliland Protectorate created in 1884 and the independent country recognized by the international community beginning on June 26, 1960, and therefore have a solid legal basis under international law. The 2001 referendum provided an unequivocal popular basis for the independence claim. One way of resolving this issue, as was done with Eritrea in May 1993, would be to hold a territory-wide, UN-sponsored and internationally monitored popular referendum on independence that would be binding. If, as would be expected, pro-independence forces prevailed, those unwilling to live under Somaliland rule would have to make hard decisions about whether to continue living in Somaliland.
A final critique involves the concept of “African solutions for African problems.” Proponents contend that the United States should wait for African countries led by the AU to first recognize Somaliland. This approach is the topic of a thought-provoking International Crisis Group report, “Somaliland: Time for African Union Leadership,” published in May 2006, and was publicly endorsed by Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer in a presentation on November 17, 2006 at the annual meeting of the African Studies Association. Although Frazer’s statement that the United States would recognize Somaliland if the AU acted first was welcomed by specialists on Somaliland, it is unclear when or if a AU recognition process will actually unfold. The encouragement of African action should not become the basis for inaction on the part of the United States.
The time for U.S. recognition of Somaliland is now, not only because it is right, but because it is in the interests of the United States. Recognition of Somaliland, followed by expanded engagement by Somaliland with the international community, would serve as a powerful lesson for other countries within the region (not least of all southern Somalia) of the benefits associated with the creation and consolidation of democratic systems of governance. Somaliland would become a model to emulate, and the United States would be congratulated for undertaking a proactive policy in support of a moderate, Muslim democracy.
Peter J. Schraeder is a professor in the Department of Political Science at Loyola University Chicago. He writes on African politics and U.S. Africa policy.
Source: CSIS (Center for Strategic and International Studies), Africa Policy Forum
In Africa, an island of democracy asks: Where is US help?
Posted by: Khadar Mohamed Abdikare
Originally Posted by The Christian Science Monitor
Hargeisa, Somaliland - Under the Bush administration's theory of creating regional stability by supporting islands of democracy, leaders in Somaliland say it should be a shoo-in for official recognition as Africa's newest nation state.
Instead, this breakaway republic, which declared independence from Somalia in 1991, is marooned in diplomatic limbo. Having not yet achieved statehood, it is without access to formal trade agreements or international financial institutions such as the World Bank.
"The international community has abandoned us," says Hussein Ali Nur, editor of the weekly English-language Republican newspaper published here in Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa. "America talks about supporting democracy, but everything is distorted by the fight against terrorism. Our success is overshadowed by [US] strategic interests in Somalia."
During the last 16 years, as Somalia has torn itself apart, Somaliland's leaders have disbanded a guerrilla movement, drafted a constitution, and held multiparty elections.
Development consultant Mark Bradbury, who monitored parliamentary elections in 2005, says the republic performs as well as, if not better than, other countries in the region, such as Ethiopia and Eritrea, on public participation in the democratic process and freedom of speech. Said Noor, the foreign minister, goes one step further: "We have created a modern, African parliamentary system. It's a model for the region."
The house of representatives is directly elected and the upper house, the house of guurti, is composed of clan elders. Both houses are based on ethnic power-sharing quotas. Bradbury says the arrangement has helped to foster stability by accommodating traditional social structures.
While Somalia is fractured by tension between numerous clans, Somaliland is more homogenous – dominated by one single clan, the Isaq. This social cohesion has played a large part in defining Somaliland's sense of identity and promoting the notion of a separate future.
But not one country has endorsed its claims of sovereignty.
Political scientist Roland Marchal at the Center for International Studies and Research in Paris says the US – and the rest of the international community – may well support Somaliland to achieve independence in the long run, but "timing is everything. What's to be achieved by recognizing a breakaway region in the middle of a bloody and protracted civil war?"
For now, the US State Department seems content to follow the lead of the African Union, which says it's focused on resuscitating failed states such as Somalia – not breakaway republics.
Some African analysts believe Somaliland's independence could form part of a future peace deal within a solution for the whole of Somalia – but fulfilling Somaliland's ambition prematurely could undermine Somalia's fragile Transitional Federal government (TFG), still fighting to establish control over the capital, Mogadishu.
A former British protectorate, Somaliland achieved independence in 1960, but quickly joined with former Italian territories to form Somalia. "We jumped too soon," says Mr. Noor. "It was a mistake."
Key posts in the new unity government went to southerners from Mogadishu and Somalilanders rapidly felt excluded. Their mounting resentment gave birth to a rebel movement that Somalia's dictator, Said Barré, attempted to crush. His bombing raids of the main urban centers in 1988 killed 50,000 people and left Hargeisa in ruins.
Mr. Barré was ousted in 1991, starting the civil war in Somalia that is still raging – but Somalia's implosion was Somaliland's moment of opportunity. Now its population of 3 million Sunni Muslims wants nothing more to do with rule from Mogadishu.
Noor, a former guerrilla, says that memories of Barré's repression are still so bitter that "any political leaders who agreed to reunification would be killed one by one by our own people."
Bradbury thinks foreign diplomats could learn a lot from Somaliland's experience of reconciliation and reconstruction. He notes that Somaliland "has made huge strides with minimal outside interference, and that hasn't been allowed to happen in Somalia."
While the international community maintains a close interest in Mogadishu's future, Bradbury is concerned that Somaliland is not strategically important enough for foreign governments to invest the time and resources required in recognizing and sustaining independence. "Paradoxically," he says, "that may have contributed to its achievements to date."