<< Previous Topic | Next Topic >>Return to Index  
ZVEK ZIVI CETINJANIN
(Login Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin)

Edukacija brava OSEREbljenijeh

No score for this post
December 17 2006, 3:57 PM 

Petar I Petrovic (St. Peter of Cetinje) 1782-1830
Young Vladika Petar I Petrovic (1782-1830) became the leader of embattled Montenegro facing enormous difficulties. Despite the difficulties he faced, he managed to become one the most popular Montenegrin leaders from the charismatic Petrovic dynasty.

He was made a bishop by Mojsije Putnik in 1784. During his trip to Russia (1785), Montenegro was cowardly attacked by Turkish forces led by Mehmed Pasha Busatlija. Apart from slaughtering innocent civilians, Turkish forces helped by fifth column, burned down 1900 houses, and stole around 3800 sheeps and cattles (Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

When Vladika Petar I returned from Russia, he found his country devastated. Utter illnesses, homelessness and starvation, forced part of population to live in craves surviving only on striping the bark from trees, grass roots, and wild plants such as nettle (kozelac, pirevina, kopriva). It is believed that about 700 people died in this disaster what is large number relative to small number of population at the time(Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

Petar's I priority was to pacify Montenegrin tribes enraged in blood feuds. He managed to eradicate blood feud among many tribes though not all, using the combination of begging and cursing.

Petar I was a wise Bishop and a great spiritual and military leader. His charisma was enhanced by bravery shown in many battles where he fought with a sword in a hand along his compatriots. During his half-century rule Vladika Petar I victoriously led Montenegrins into many important battles against the Ottomans, including the battles at Martinici and Krusi in 1796. Montenegrins won both of these battles which were considered the major battles at that time. At the battle of Martinici 3000 Montenegrins defeated Mahmut Pasha Busatlija and inflicted heavy casualties to 18 000 Turkish forces (Momir M. Markovic, Crnogorski rat, Podgorica, 1993, p.122).

Fearing the spread of the resistance to Turkish rule over neighboring regions Mahmut Pasha Busatlija again attacked Montenegro determined to capture Petar I and the main tribal heads. At the crucial battle at Krusi (Ljesanska nahija) the Turkish army of 30 000 led by Mahmut-Pasa Busatlija and assisted with seven French officers was defeated with heavy casualties by a force of 6 000 Montenegrins led by vladika Petar I (3 Oct. 1796). In this famous Battle Mahmut pasha was killed(Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

The biggest importance of this battle of Krusi lays in the fact that it was won by coalition of Montenegrins and Highland (Brda) tribes. Brda (Piperi and Bjelopavlici) held their tribal assembly declaring unification with Montenegro and accepting the rule of Petar I. Decision (1796) of tribes Piperi and Bjelopavlici to join Montenegro enlarged territory of Montenegro to near Spuz, river Moraca and Rovci. These victories also enhanced Montenegrin reputation among the population of the Kotor Bay, and were the beginning of the Montenegrin quest for control of the southern Adriatic coastal towns.

After conquering Dubrovnik in 1806, the French Emperor Napoleon, undefeated in Europe, advanced toward the Bay of Kotor in Montenegro. Montenegrin army led by Vladika Petar I, aided by several Russian battalions and a fleet of the General Senjavin, went to war against the invading French forces and pushed them back to Cavtat and later to Dubrovnik walls. But soon after, Russian czar Alexander asked Montenegrins to relinquish control of Boka to Austria. However, after Montenegrins retreated to Herceg Novi, Alexander changed his mind again, and with a help of Montenegrins conquered Brac and Korcula. In the meantime, France encouraged Turkey to attack Russia and Russia withdrew their fleet from Adriatic to defend Ionic islands. The subsequent peace treaty between Russia and France (1807 in Tilzit) granted the control of the Kotor Bay to France. French authorities in the areas they controlled (kingdom Iliria administered from Ljubljana), set up schools, built roads and libraries and insisted on the use of national language. In addition Napoleon forbade by a decree the meddling of Roman clergy into Christian Orthodox affairs and named Benedict Kraljevic to be the Orthodox bishop (episkop) in Dalmatia and Boka. This had strong impact on the formation of national consciousness among South Slavs (Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

At the different fronts on mainland, Montenegrins had two unsuccessful battles against Turks (1807 Onogost and Klobuk). French general Mormon allied with Shkoder Pasha in order to conquer Montenegro. However, Montenegrins (particularly Kuci, Martinici and Rovci) broke his illusions by heavily defeating Turkish forces who attacked Piperi (1811). In the following 1812, Herzegovian Pasha Sulejman Skopljak attacked Drobnjaci, but was defeated with a help of Piperi, Bjelopavlici, and later Moracani and Rovci at the battle of Bukovica. In the third attempt of that year Skadar's Mustaj Pasha aided by Albanian Turks aimed to conquer Brda and than Montenegro. Petar I helped people of Brda and defeated Turks in the battle of Ljubotinj (1812) even though vladika suffered heavy wounds. The captured Turks were slatted but the captured French were exchanged for large amount of gunpowder and ammunition(Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

At the time Napoleon suffered final defeat in the the hands of Russian, Prussian, Austrian, and Swedish troops. The committee of four (Russia, Prussia, England, and Austria) on Congress of Vienna limited France back to pre-war borders (from 1792) and sent Napoleon to Elba. Prior to that, in 1813, the Montenegrin army, with ammunition support from Russia and Britain, liberated the Kotor Bay from the French. An assembly held in Dobrota (10.11.1813) resolved to unite the Bay of Kotor with the Montenegrin mainland. In addition, the new government was elected, comprised of six representatives from each region; Boka, Brda, and Montenegro. However, at the congress of Vienna, with Russian (czar Alexander I) consent, the control of the Bay was granted to Austria ("for general interest"). Needles to say, this was a big blow to Vladika Petar expectations, who thought that Montenegro would be recognized as an independent state (Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

Following this disappointment Montenegro entered very difficult times. Since the Turkish markets and markets in Boka were closed, in 1816, about 2000 Montenegrins starved to death. Living in the hostile surrounding, exhausted by wars and tribal hostilities and being permanently undermined by Guvernadur Radonjic, Vladika sent 800 Montenegrins to live in Russia. In addition, in 1817, he sent 100 families from Drobnjaci to live in Serbia. Exodus to Serbia continued thereafter so that vladika panicked fearing that "there would be none to defend these tribes from Turks"(Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

In 1829, Russian tzar Petar I, appreciating Montenegrin efforts in the fight for freedom and Christendom, paid out the aid to Montenegrins amounting to 6000 Rubles.


The first Montenegrin law
In 1798 Vladika Petar I introduced the first laws in Montenegro - Zakonik Petra I(see extract). This law was further updated with five new paragraphs at the assembly in Stanjevici (1803). His rule prepared Montenegro for the subsequent introduction of modern institutions of the state: court (called Kuluk), taxes (60 para per household annually), schools and larger commercial enterprises. He also introduced his guards (25), so called 'Perjanici', who were chosen from the most prestigious tribes. Perjanici were first police (dzandarmerija) forces in Montenegro whose duty was to arrest those facing Kuluk.

Petar's I intention to implement the law and strengthen the central government was met with the resistance from the Montenegrin tribes who had always had considerable freedom and autonomy. Determined to impose the rule of law Vladika asked is guards to kill two prominent opponents of the new law. These two were the tribal heads of Komani and Cevljani.

Vladika Petar I had unquestioned moral authority strengthened by his military successes. Petar's I epistles (poslanice) to people and tribes are source of permanent inspiration for human, democratic, cultural and efficient communications of a ruler with his people. After he died, he was proclaimed for the one of four Saints of the Montenegrin Orthodox Church by his successor Petar II Petrovic Njegos. This proclamation of Petar I as St. Peter of Cetinje (Sveti Petar Cetinjski) was met by Montenegrins with the 'approval and jubilation'.

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
ZVEK ZIVI CETINJANIN
(Login Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin)

EDUKACIJA JE CUDI IZRODI OSEREbljeni

No score for this post
December 17 2006, 3:58 PM 

Petar II Petrovic Njegos, 1830-1851
Vladika Petar I Petrovic Njegos named his nephew Djordje Savov as his successor. Djordje was studying in Russia and was not keen to become a Bishop. Therefore, the other nephew of Petar I, 17-year Rade Tomow who was also written in his testament, was approved by popular acclamation (31.10.1830) as the new vladika. Guvernadur Radonjic, a vociferous opponent of Petrovic's rule, claimed that Rade was written in the testament not by Vladika Petar I, but by Simo Milutinovic Sarajlija in conspiracy with some clans' heads and monks from the monastery Cetinje. Two years later Guvernadur's correspondence with Austria was intercepted and Guvernadur was tried and sentenced to death for treason. However Vladika Rade gave him amnesty but sent him in exile and burned down all property of Radonjic family on Njegusi. This antagonism between Radonjic and Petrovic family was, thus, resolved in favor of Petrovic's which meant the final victory of Russian influence over Austrian. In 1833 Vladika Rade went to Russia to be ordained into vladika in the presence of Russian czar Nicholas I, who gave him considerable financial help (18 000 rubles) (J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

Petar II Petrovic Njegos is seen by many scholars as the most impressive Montenegrin leader of all times. Prince-Bishop (Vladika) Rade apart from having laid down the foundation of the modern Montenegrin state and the subsequent Kingdom of Montenegro was also one of the most glorified South Slav poets. His affection for poetry, however, did not make him soft hearted. According to Russian Colonel Tatijanov (12.03.1842) Vladika Rade was more cruel than any of his predecessors. The members of the Senate who did not obey the Vladika's will, would have been killed either by Perjaniks of by hired killers. For that purpose he increased number of Perjaniks to 70 (J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

In domestic affairs, Njegos (as Vladika Rade was called by Montenegrins) was a reformer. In 1832, building on he work of Petar I, Vladika Rade created a formal central government consisting of three bodies, the Senate, the Guardia and the Perjanici. The Senate consisted of 12 representatives (with a salary of 40 talirs) who were the heads of the most influential Montenegrin tribes. That was the first central authority in Montenegro performing the functions of government. The Senate had judicial and executive power and was presided by the Vladika. The Guardia was stationed in Rijeka Crnojevica and had 32 members who were Senate's helping hand in administering law and order. The Perjanici were equivalent of a police force, accountable both to the Senate and to the Vladika.

In addition to the central government bodies Njegos introduced the first taxes (total of 6 000 talirs per annum) in 1833. Needles to say, having had individual and tribal freedom for centuries, Montenegrins opposed compulsory payments to the central authority. Some tribes were defiant claiming that Montenegrins have always refused to pay taxes to the Turks, and challenging Vladika to come and collect the tax himself. Knowing that a modern state can not function without properly administered tax system, Njegos showed firm hand in dealing with tax evades. It is sometimes claimed that Njegos, through his Perjanics, was very cruel in order to impose the authority of the central government.

In 1832 The Grand Vizier Mahmut Resid offered to Vladika Rade autonomy for Montenegro similar to one of Serbia under Prince Milos. In exchange for the regions of Skadar, South Adriatic cost and the part of Herzegovina, Mahmut Resid asked Vladika to recognize the authority of the Sultan ('investiturski sultanov fermat') and Sultan's protection of Montenegro from the other powers. Vladika Rade called the offer 'mocking' emphasizing Montenegro independence from Turkish rule. In order to punish Vladika, the Great Vizier organized an attack on Montenegro but was defeated by Piperi and Bjelopavlici near Visocica (J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

Encouraged by this victory Vladika Petar I attacked Podgorica but the attack was refuted by the Turks. Since his military capabilities were questioned by some tribal heads, the Vladika went to Russia in order to improve his reputation (March 1833). On that trip, Petar II was ordained as a Vladika in Petrograd in presence of tzar Nicholas I. Moreover, he received remnant aid of 10 000 Rubles as well as additional 8 000 Rubles for ?('praviteljstvo')(J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

Using that money Vladika built Biljarda (the first house in Cetinje) for the Senate. In 1833 Vladika founded the first elementary schools in Cetinje and Dobrsko Selo. In 1834, he imported the printing press from Venice. However, 18 years later he ordered melting of the lead parts of printing press in order to make ammunition desperately needed for the fight against Turks. Vladika also built roads and four artesian wells in Crmnicka and Katunska nahijas. He sent several (16) young Montenegrins to be educated in Serbia. The seven who returned were among the few literate people in Montenegro.

Like his predecessors, Vladika Rade fought successfully many battles against Turkish and Austrian forces. The most famous battles from the period of his reign are battle of Kosovo Lug (22.7.1839) and battle of Dodosi (1850) (J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

Like other rulers from Petrovic family Vladika Rade presumed the leading role of his family in creation of a new pan-Slavic state. He wanted to encourage South Slavs to fight together against Turkish evil. For that purpose he wrote to Serbian Prince (knez) Milos:"I have infinite wish to meet you personally to discuss many matters relevant to Slavic-Serbian people (naroda Sloveno srpskogo)". Nevertheless, Knez Milos was not keen to agree with Vladika suggesting him to live in peace with Turks "with neighbors which can be useful if you are nice to them"(J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

Later, after dynastic struggles in Serbia, Vladika tried to unite South Slavs in the fight against Turks by encouraging Ban Jelacic, South Dalmatians, Herzegovians, Metohijans, and Albanians and offering help for the uprising. However, in decisive moments ban Jelacic was more Austrian general than Croatian Ban, and by the end of 1849 European reaction forces celebrated victory over the revolution, signifying a set back to Vladika's plans. Despite this set back, Vladika kept good relations with 'neighbors in trouble' and according to writing of Dubrovnik's poet Medo Pucic

"Montenegro was shiny sun which dries the tears of surrounding oppressed people (raja) and warm up with a new strength so that they can follow heroic example of Montenegrins, and work on liberation, with a clear idea that the fight would be fruitful because it is inspired with justice and heroism"(Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje).

However, another fatal obstacle to Vladika's plans was his illness, and subsequent treatment in Italy from which he never recovered. While he was Italy Vladika made a plan to coin the Montenegrin money in order to facilitate the commerce and exchange of goods in Montenegro. His death came too soon (19.10.1951) preventing realization of many grand ideas.

Njegos is often said to be not only the greatest Montenegrin poet but also a philosopher. His religious philosophy, in spite of some inconsistencies, is widely acclaimed. Njegos' most famous works include The Mountain Wreath (Gorski Vijenac) , The Ray of the Microcosm (Luca Mikrokozma-a), The False tzar Stephen the Small (Lazni car Scepan Mali), Slobodijada, and Hermit of Cetinje (Pustinjak Cetinjski). His most famous work, The Mountain Wreath, was printed in 1837, in Vienna in a print house of the Armenian monastery. The Mountain Wreath, written in the Montenegrin vernacular, has synthesized much of the wisdom of the people and became a key literary symbol of the nation's long struggle for freedom. There is hardly any Montenegrin who could not quote a proverb or passages from the Mountain Wreath.

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
ZVEK ZIVI CETINJANIN
(Login Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin)

EDUKACIJA SE NASTAVLJA

No score for this post
December 17 2006, 3:59 PM 

Prince Danilo Petrovic, 1852-1860
Before he died in 1851, Petar II Petrovic Njegos named his nephew Danilo as his successor. He assigned him a tutor a send him to Vienna with a massage for a Russian representative who would forward him to Russia to further his education. According to some historians Njegos himself was most likely preparing ground for the new ruler of Montenegro to be a secular leader. However, when Njegos died, the Senate, under influence of Djordjije Petrovic (the wealthiest Montenegrin at the time), proclaimed Njegos's elder brother Pero Tomov Petrovic as Prince (not Vladika). Nevertheless, in a brief struggle for power, Pero Tomov, who commanded the support of the Senate, lost to the much younger (22) Danilo who had much more support among people (Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje, p. 233).

Prior to the determination of Njegos successor, after making peace between Crmnica and Katunjani tribes, and being recognized by Brda and all Montenegrin tribes except for Bjelopavlici, Danilo traveled to Vienna and then Russia, supposedly to be ordained as Vladika, not Prince. When he returned from Russia (1852) he took Pero Tomov and his supporters by surprise, bringing with him the endorsement from the Russian tzar to become Prince of Montenegro. Thus somewhat unexpectedly, Danilo became the Prince and Pero Tomov conceded defeat by returning to his position as president of the Senate (J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje, p. 238).

After centuries of theocratic rule, Danilo Petrovic was thus the first Montenegrin secular Prince who did not also hold the ecclesiastical position of the Vladika. He was laying down the foundations for Montenegro to become a kingdom but did not live long enough to see his ambitions realized.

Like most leaders from the Petrovic dynasty Prince Danilo was a formidable civilian and military leader. Aided by his charismatic elder brother, Grand Duke Mirko Petrovic, Danilo won a crucial battle against the Turks at Grahovo on 01.05.1858. Montenegrin forces (5 800) inflicted heavy losses to Turkish forces and were left with a considerable arsenal of war trophies. This major victory had even more diplomatic than military significance. The glory of Montenegrin weapons was soon immortalized in the songs and literature of all the South Slavs, particularly the Serbs. More importantly, this Montenegrin victory forced the great powers to officially demarcate the borders between Montenegro and Turkey, de facto recognizing Montenegro's centuries-long independence. In November 1858, the commission comprised of foreign powers representatives demarcated the border between Montenegro and Turkey. Montenegro gained Grahovo, Rudine, Niksic's Zupa, more than a half of Drobnjaci, Tusina, Uskoci, Lipovo, Upper Vasojevici, and the part of Kuci and Dodosi.

In domestic affairs, Danilo was an authoritarian and sometimes brutal ruler. As it happened, the centralization of his power contributed to development of the modern functions of the state. Danilo used the Law of Petar I Petrovic (Zakonik Petra I), as an inspiration for his own General Law of the Land (Opsti zemaljski zakonik or Danilov Zakonik). Danilov Zakonik was based on the Montenegrin traditions and customs and it is considered to be the first national constitution in Montenegrin history. Danilo organized first census in Montenegro (1855) and ordered that all montenegrins households be recorded. According to the census Montenegro population was 80 000. His plan for tax collection was accepted (out of fear of the hot-tempered and sharp Prince) by all tribal heads except Kuci. In order to punish Kuci Danilo sent Duke Mirko (1856) "not only to slay all leaders (12) but also to kill even the babies in cradles". In this extremely cruel quest (Pohara Kuca) Duke Mirko killed 247 people (only 17 potential soldiers the rest elderly and kids), and forced Kuci to pay the tax thereafter(J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje, p.263).

Danilo's forces also committed atrocities in Bjelopavlici, but the damage was limited by giving high ranks to the Bjelopavlici's rebel leaders.

Prince Danilo paid special attention to education and literacy of his people. In 1855 he sent four people to Russia and 16 to Serbia for education. Only eight of them returned (from Serbia) and four of them became senators. Prince Danilo had the Senate under his control. At least 14 out of 16 senators were his man. In any case he could overrule the decision of the Senate.

In foreign affairs, Danilo fought Turkey striving to enlarge the territory and achieve a recognition of his state. He was particularly keen to strengthen relationship with people in Herzegovina who he called "same-blood and same-religious brothers". His support to Herzegovina's rebels lead him in direct confrontation with Turkish forces at Grahovo. After this colossal victory over Turks, Montenegrin quest for formal recognition could no longer be overlooked by major powers.

Danilo sought in Russia a military ally while trying not to upset Austria. His educated and wealthy wife together with Russia' s failure to live up to promise for Montenegro's international recognition of full sovereignty, heavily influenced his Francophile attitude. Needless to say' this Francophile attitude was detrimental to Danilo's relations with Russia, Austria and Serbia, who saw the good relations between Montenegro and France as a threat to their interests.

At the same time, all major European powers (particularly England and Austria) worked to undermine Russian influence on Balkan, which was the strongest in Montenegro. Knowing the mood of his people, Danilo refused to compromise on sovereignty of Montenegro averting to the extent the pressure from Europeans. At the same time Russia was in no position to help Montenegro after suffering a defeat in the Crimean war (1854). In the subsequent Paris congress (1856) Russian government representatives did not have enough strength to support Montenegrin demands for the independence and territorial enlargement. However, the Russian government replied on Danilo's memorandum "that the Russian government has always recognized the Montenegro's independence and will always do so regardless of the position of other great powers". During the trip to France Danilo received some financial help (200 000 franks annually) from France hoping that France would insure the formal recognition of Montenegro's sovereignty. By the same token Napoleon III hoped that this would bring Montenegro closer to French influence on the expense of the Russia. This act of Prince Danilo earned him many enemies since it was seen by many influential Montenegrins as a betrayal of Russia.

The opponents of the Prince grew in numbers and included Danilo's brother Duke Mirko and the president of the Senate Djordje Petrovic. The plans to organize elimination of the Prince were coined by the Montenegrin emigration led by Stevan Perovic Cuca and assisted by foreign powers. Danilo's loyal managed to assassin Perovic in Instambul but the resistance to the Prince was not over.

Despite improving his relations with Russia Danilo did not manage to keep away his enemies helped by foreign meddling. After preventing several attempt on his life, Danilo was assassinated in August 1860 as he was boarding a ship at the port of Kotor. The assassination was linked to the brutal mistreatment of the Bjelopavlici tribe by the Danilo's guards and his loyal forces. Despite the eventual personal motives, the assassin, Todor Kadic from the Bjelopavlici tribe, was assisted by Austrian and Serbs authorities in carrying out the assassination.




 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
ZVEK ZIVI CETINJANIN
(Login Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin)

EDUKACIJA SE NASTAVLJA

No score for this post
December 17 2006, 4:00 PM 

Montenegro under Nicholas I Petrovic (1860-1918)
Prior to his trip to France Prince Danilo assigned in a testament his nephew Nicholas (Nikola) Petrovic, the son of Duke Mirko, to be his successor. Nicholas was sent to France in 1858 for an intensive education. Following the Danilo's assassination (1860) young Nicholas returned to Montenegro to find his father, Duke Mirko, maintaining the complete grip on power. Duke Mirko had the Senate under his control and a good family relations with several of the most influential Montenegrin tribes.

During the entire reign of Nicholas, his family ties in Montenegro, as well as abroad, were an important political asset. When Nicholas was eight, Duke Mirko arranged his engagement to the doughtier (Milena) of an influential member of the Senate, Petar Vukotic from Cevo (Katunska nahija). The family ties with the Vukotic family were very useful to the new Prince and future King Nicholas. Similarly, Prince Nicholas' six out of nine daughters were married to royal or aristocratic families of Europe.

At the very beginning of Nicholas reign, Montenegro was bracing itself for Turkish attack. Irritated with the Montenegrin support of Herzegovian rebels and constant attacks on Turkish posts along the border, culminated with an ultimatum by Omer Pasha Latas to Prince Nicholas to stop these practices. Since Nicholas refused to accept the Porta's terms "unless the Porta fulfills justifiable demands of Herzegovian and Montenegrin rebels", Omer Pasha Latas attacked Montenegro on 22.05.1862. The Turkish plan was a carbon copy of the one from 1853: to occupy Montenegro and capture Cetinje. Being in a very difficult situation, Prince Nicholas and Duke Mirko asked for help from Serbia. Serbian government promised the help but could not deliver it in time, so that Montenegrins were left to rely on themselves to defend their country. The first Turkish attack was rebuffed by the Montenegrin victory near Novo Selo. Soon after the Turkish forces penetrated the Montenegrin defense lines and were approaching Cetinje. However, upon the French and Russian intervention, Turkey was forced to sign a peace treaty with Montenegro (September 1862).

The second Omer Pasha Latas' attack on Montenegro, and the decisive and heroic stance of Montenegrins, enhanced further the reputation of Montenegro in the eyes of the Great Powers making it clear that Montenegrins will not accept anything that limits their independence and sovereignty. Following this Turkish attack, the Serbian government led by Prince Milos Obrenovic which was supporting Montenegro although not actively, forged an agreement with Prince Nicholas about mutual co-operation in the fight against the Turks (1866). Duke Mirko was unhappy with the agreement and he wanted a military pact with Serbia in order to attack and defeat the Turks rather than wait and defend. Four years later (03.09.1870) Prince Nicholas in the Senate openly expressed his doubts about sincerity of the Serbian Government intentions about military co-operation.

During the uprising in Boka against Austrian rule (1870), Prince Nicholas, although formally neutral, helped rebels from Boka in their rebellion against Austrian rule. In the 'Boka' (Bokeljski)' or 'Krivosije' uprising the people of Boka defeated Austrians forces repeatedly, forcing them to sign a humiliated peace terms.

Similarly, in the middle of 1870s, Prince Nicholas was actively helping Herzegovian rebels in the organization of the uprising against Turkish rule, despite the protests of Turkey and other Big Powers. Co-ordinator and organizer of the uprising were, Nicholas' father in law Duke Petar Vukotic and Duke Peko Pavlov Nikolic (later known as Peko Pavlovic), both from Cevo. A year later (1876), the rebel leaders met in Grahovo and proclaimed Prince Nicholas of Montenegro as the Prince of Herzegovina and asked him to be their ruler. Prince Nicholas accepted the offer providing that the Great Powers agreed.

Since Herzegovian uprising could not be localized, Montenegro and Serbia agreed to declare a war to Turkey on 18.06.1876. In the well planed and bravely fought war Montenegrins, allied with Herzegovians, came out victoriously from the six major battles (Vucji Do, Fundina, Medun, Trijebca, near Spuz, and Doljani) and 27 smaller battles. The most crucial was the battle of Vucji Do (18.07.1976) where Montenegrins heavily defeated Muktar Pasha's forces and captured and killed Osman Pasha and Selim Pasha. In addition, they captured a large consignment of weapon and ammunition. At the end of the first phase of the war, according to the reports of the Montenegrin high command, the Turkish losses were 17 000 killed, 18 000 wounded, and 1 150 captured. The Montenegrin losses were as low as 700 killed and 1.300 wounded (Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje, p. 316)!. This tenacity was not lost on the world; Alfred Lord Tennyson praised the "race of mightier mountaineers" in his 1877 poem "Montenegro", published on the front page of the Nineteenth Century. The poem was accompanied by a long essay on Montenegrin history by British PM Gladstone, who encouraged Tennyson in the role of 'Montenegro's Bayron'. Earlier that month, in a speeach to the commons, Gladstone had eulogised the Montenegrins as "a bunch of heroes such as the word has rarely seen".

In the second phase of the war (1877) Montenegrins fought heavy battles along the borders of Herzegovina and Albania. Prince Nicholas took the initiative and counterattacked the Turkish forces that were coming from the North, South and the West. He conquered Niksic (24.09.1877), Bar (10.01.1878), Ulcinj (20.01.1878), Grmozur (26.01.1878), and Vranjina and Lesendra (30.01.1878)(Jagos Jovanovic, ibid p. 320).

In the same year (1878) the advancement of Russian forces toward Turkey was brought to an end by the peace of San Stefano (19.02.1878). According to San Stefano's treaty, Turkey was to hand over to Russia Kars, Batum and Avdagan, and to recognize the independence of Romania, Serbia, and Montenegro and sovereignty of Bulgaria. According to the treaty the territory of Montenegro was to be enlarged from 4.405 km2 to 15.355 km2 (Jovanovic, ibid, p.320).

On the insistence of England and Germany, San Stefano treaty was revised in the Summer of 1878 on the Berlin Congress. Serbia and Montenegro were finally recognized as independent states. However territory of Montenegro was less twice as much (8.655 km2) than it was agreed by the San Stefano treaty. The most difficult part for Montenegrins was the protocol X of the article 29, according to which Austro-Ungary had the right of police control over the port of Bar (Jagos Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i razvoj Crnogorske nacionalnosti, 1947, Obod-Cetinje, p. 223). Turkey tried to postpone the hand over of Montenegrin territories but eventually did so at the end of 1780. The demarcation of the borders was done in 1883 by mutual agreement, although the role of English PM Gladstone was significant.

The Development of Montenegro as an Independent State

After the liberation's wars (1875-1878) the centuries long fight for freedom and independence was finally rewarded on the Berlin Congress. This international recognition meant that Montenegro needed not to be the large war camp any longer, but needed to develop the institutions of the modern state instead. The prospect of the social and economic development was improved rapidly by the regaining of the Montenegrin towns from the Turkish control.

Following the Berlin Congress, Prince Nicholas abolished the Senate replacing it with the State Counsel, Ministries, and the High Court (1979). He reorganized the education system opening many schools across Montenegro. The new administration needed literate and educated people. The publishing activities revived in Montenegro with Prince Nicholas acting as a protégé of art and poetry (see Literature).

In 1888 the famous lawyer Valtazar Bogisic wrote the new Common Law which replaced the 'General Law of the Land' of Prince Danilo used since 1855. Introduction of High Court signified the separation of state judicial function from the executive one. Prince Nicholas also introduced the Property Law (Imovinski zakonik) with precise definitions of property rights and obligations (1888). Until the judicial reforms in 1902, appeals against court ruling could be filled to Prince Nicholas who had the last word. That practice continued even after the judicial reforms but the Prince consulted the High Court and sometimes referred the issues back to the High Court.

On the St. Nicholas Day Assembly (Nikoljdan) 19.12.1905, Prince Nicholas introduced the Montenegro's first formal Constitution. According to the new Constitution, Montenegro was a constitutional but not a parliamentary monarchy. The introduction of the constitution and additional laws, as the Freedom of Press Law and the Criminal Law, paved the way for a modern legal framework in accordance with the standards of the Western European countries.

In order to improve the commerce and trade Prince Nicholas organized the building of the new roads and railway across Montenegro. The roads were mostly build by the unpaid forced labour (kuluk), and by the labours who worked for the grain which originated from the Russian aid to Montenegro.

The unification of all the parts of Montenegro in a single unity was helped by the introduction of the postal, telegraphic and telephonic traffic.

At the beginning of XX century, many small and big enterprises emerged in Montenegro. Under the influence of family ties (his doughtier Helen (Jelena) was the wife of Italian King Victor Emmanuel), Prince Nicholas gave a significant concession to Italian investors in Montenegro. The Italian investors like 'Anonymous Society' invested 10.000.000 Lira for:

Monopoly on tobacco
Building of the rail track Bar-Virpazar-Podgorica-Danilovgrad
Building the port of Bar, and
Sail on the Skadar Lake.
However, the investor did not stick to the details of the agreement at the expense of Montenegro.
In 1910, the parliament proclaimed Montenegro a constitutional monarchy with Nicholas as King (Nicholas I). Even though he became a king, the authority of Nicholas was diminishing. Financially strong individuals start emerging in Montenegrin towns and saw Nicholas autocracy as an impediment to their progress. Similarly, a number of Montenegrins who returned from Western countries, where they worked and experienced democratic freedoms, were not happy with the King's autocratic rule. In addition, from the 1880s a significant number of pupils and students have gone to study in Serbia. In Serbia they were heavily influenced by the ideas of the governing Serbian nationalistic bourgeoisie, which since the time of Prince Milos, were expressing tendencies for annexation of Montenegro. On their return home, the students were preaching the Serbian ideas in the same way they had been told in the parties' clubs of Obrenovics' Serbia.

In any case it was evident that Nicholas stared losing a touch with people when he came in conflict with the most respected Montenegrin heads (Marko Miljanov, Jole Piletic, Peko Pavlovic, Djoko Pejovic and others).

In the years prior to WW1 and thereafter, the internal affairs in Montenegro were heavily influenced by the division between the representatives of 'people movement' and those of the Government and official views. In the political arena, the main political parties were 'People Party' (Narodna Stranka) led by Sako Petrovic, better known as 'Klubasi' and 'The True People Party' (Prava Narodna Stranka) known as 'Pravasi' led by Lazar Mijuskovic. Klubasi were the first parliamentary and democratic party in Montenegro. Their political credo was the unification of Serbia and Montenegro and dethronisation of the 'non-people' king. The methods of their political activities were as ruthless as the Nicholas' treatment of their activists.

In the dynastic fight for prestige and the Serbian throne between Petrovic and Obrenovic dynasties, King Nicholas had an advantage before the rise to power of Radical Party in Serbia. The Radical Party justified its name by radically departing from the policies they preached prior to coming to power. Following the rise to power, Radicals start expressing their aspiration for Greater Serbia.

Pursuing its own interests, Russia instructed its most loyal ally in the Balkans to make a pact and military convention with other Balkan states. King Nicholas and his government made the Balkan Pact with Bulgaria, Greece, and Serbia during 1912. In the forthcoming Balkan Wars, Turkey suffered humiliated defeat, despite the support from Austro-Ungary, and was pushed back toward Asia.

Montenegrins thought that they came out as a main victors from the both Balkan Wars despite the heavy casualties they suffered. However, the costly capture of Albanian town Shkoder (Skadar) was futile since Nicholas I was put under pressure by the Great Powers to hand it over to the international supervision.

But the worse was still to come. Just before the beginning of the WW1, King Nicholas signed 'Plan for (military) operations' with the Serbian Government, hoping to achieve more co-operation between the people of Serbia and Montenegro. He made a fatal mistake by allowing the Serbian authorities to send their own officers to be commanders of the Montenegrin Army, amid dynastic struggle for supremacy. Predictably, acting on the advice of the Serbian dynasty Karadjordjevics, the Serbian commanders of Montenegrin war operations led Montenegrin Army not to serve the interest of Montenegro but the interest of Serbian dynasty.

Out of total of the 45.000 Montenegrin forces in the WW1, two-thirds were stationed towards Bosnia, and one third towards Albania by the Serbian General Jankovic. King Nicholas strongly disagreed with these 'tactics' and later ordered his army to conquer Skadar without consultations with Jankovic. General Jankovic resigned his post in protest, accusing King Nicholas for co-operation with Austria. He was replaced with Colonel Pesic who pursued similar policies if not more sophisticated.

Due to the Colonel Pesic's tactics, Austrian forces captured Lovcen's peaks Kuk and Krstac (29.12.1915), leaving Montenegrin forces in an extremely difficult situation. At the same time, Montenegrin forces on the Sandzak front fought ferociously and heroically for every single position in order to insure the retreat of Serbian forces to Albania. The glorious battles were fought at Glasinac, Kalinovik, Klobuk, Foca, and finally at Mojkovac. In the famous battle of Mojkovac the Montenegrin forces inflicted heavy casualties on Austrian forces and stopped their advancement giving enough time to the Serbian forces to retreat through Montenegro to Albania.

Austria occupied Montenegro in 1915, when Serb-led forces protecting the region fled to Greece via Albania. The Allies quickly declared their solidarity with the defeated Montenegro. British Prime Minister David Lloyd George promised, "The Allies will do justice to the heroism of the Montenegrins." The Allies did win the war, but Montenegro did not regain sovereignty. When Austria retreated in defeat in 1918, Serbia moved in, purportedly to secure Montenegro's stability for a transitional period.

Following Austrian advance, King Nicholas decided to flee Montenegro. He exiled to France and never was able to return to Montenegro. His departure and the subsequent declaration for unification of Serbia and Montenegro (1918)led to an end of Montenegro as an independent country and kingdom. King Nicholas died in Italy in 1923. His remains, and those of his wife Milena and three daughters, were moved to Montenegro's old capital, Cetinje, to the Chapel of Cipur in 1989.



 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
ZVEK ZIVI CETINJANIN
(Login Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin)

EDUKACIJA

No score for this post
December 17 2006, 4:02 PM 

Unification of Montenegro and Serbia (1918) - Podgorica's Assembly
Unification of Montenegro and Serbia is the one of the most interesting and most important issues of contemporary Montenegrin history. The entire contemporary history evolved in the shadows of this problem. Despite the existence of various political parties, the main political division in Montenegro between the two wars, end to the extent nowadays, is whites (bjelasi) and greens (zelenasi) (D.Vujovic, Crnogorski federalisti 1919-1929, CANU, 1981, Titograd, p.11). The manifestations associated with these two ideologies are, on one hand, manifestation of nationalism, localism, and chauvinism, (zelenasi), and on the other hand the phenomenon of national nihilism (bjelasi)(D.Vujovic, Ujedinjenje Crne Gore i Srbije, Istorijski institut NRCG, 1962, p. 8). It may be agued however, that this definition threat the greens or neo-greens somewhat harshly (See letters 1 and 2).

During the WW1 the unification of Montenegro and Serbia was the primary task of supporters of Greater Serbia project, led by Serbian Prime Minister Nikola Pasic. Pasic's aim was to just annex Montenegro without much public discussion and eventual negotiations. For that reason the Serbian government, and Pasic personally, formed the 'movement for unification' and embarked on a campaign (1916 and 1917), that was to show necessity and inevitability of unification. This became the official Serbian strategic policy approved by the Serbian government and Regent Alexander (D.Vujovic, Crnogorski federalisti 1919-1929, CANU, 1981, Titograd, p.13).

Although 'movement for unification 'was under the Pasic's influence, following the Montenegrins' long lasted wish for the integration of South Slavs, it proposed that, "...Montenegro unifies with Serbia and other Yugoslav states". However, in order to insure his objective of Greater Serbia, Pasic was so meticulous, that he reformulated the proposal, dismissing any use of the word Yugoslavia or Yugoslavs (D.Vujovic, Crnogorski federalisti 1919-1929, CANU, 1981, Titograd, p.13).

The preparations for a formal unification (Podgorica's Assembly) were very short. The supporters of unification chose most of the delegates for Podgorica Assembly (Podgoricka Skupstina) on their own meetings, but where meeting were not held, the delegates were simply named and invited by the organizer of the Podgorica's Assembly (D.Vujovic, Crnogorski federalisti 1919-1929, CANU, 1981, Titograd, p.14).

Podgorica's Assembly took place in the Tobacco monopoly building on 11.11.1918. Some delegates demanded that, instead of rushing to unite, Montenegro was restored as sovereign country and than to negotiate the question of unity with the Serbian government. In order to prevent discussion "which would not lead to anything good and useful for the main thing which must be done urgently", the presidency of the Assembly assured that one detachment of army encircled the Assembly building and make pressure on hesitant delegates (J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i Razvoj Crnogorske nacije, 1948, Cetinje, p.436).

Podgorica's Assembly, on its session of 13.11.1918, "unanimously" and "by acclamation" decided the following:

that King Nicholas I and his dynasty be dethroned for ever from Montenegrin throne;
that Montenegro unconditionally unite with Serbia in one state under dynasty of Karadjordjevic and so united "enter in mutual homeland our three-named people Serbs, Croats and Slovenes",
and that these Assembly's decisions to be told to: ex King Nicholas I and his sons, Serbian and allied governments, as well as all neutral states (translated from J.Jovanovic, Stvaranje Crnogorske drzave i Razvoj Crnogorske nacije, 1947, Cetinje, p.436).
Dissatisfaction with Podgorica's Assembly spread quickly all over Montenegro, but it was particularly prominent in what was called 'Old Montenegro'. Even the people who were in favor of unification of what they called "Serb people into a single Serb state" were dismayed at the way the unification proceeded, at the way Montenegrins were treated, and above all with the ill behavior of Serbian troops that once had been warmly welcomed as the 'allied and brotherly forces'(ibid.).
Being so dismayed and disillusioned with Serbian Government and Serbian forces, many thousands of Montenegrins, took up arms (on Christmas eve of 1919) and surrounded towns of Cetinje, Niksic, Rijeka Crnojevica, and Virpazar. They demanded that Serbian troops left Montenegro, and that those who instrumentalized Podgorica's Assembly be tried. They, however, wanted to avoid bloodshed and issued the statement to Serbian authorities:

"The assembly that took place in Podgorica on 11.11.1918, was scheduled in defiance of our Constitution, and above all, against the will of absolute majority of Montenegrins; therefore that led to uprising of Montenegrins against the decision of the Assembly whose executive branch is You...." (D.Vujovic, Crnogorski federalisti 1919-1929, CANU, 1981, Titograd, p.14).
Despite being more numerous, rebels were poorly armed and not well organized. Thus, since they were no match for Serbian artillery, they were destined for a frontal defeat within days. Many were killed but some continued the resistance hiding in Montenegrin forests. In the following years (1919 and 1920) Serbian military authorities, assisted by whites, stepped up the terror against their opponents. They made arrests, convicted with no proofs of wrong doing, burn down houses, impose the wearing of the cap with four S(C), confiscated property and killed suspected rebels. In many parts of Montenegro frontal battles where artillery was used took place. By the end of 1920, Serbian authorities managed to subdue the rebels, so they did not represent any political or military treat even though rebellion was not over. In these difficult times many Montenegrins had to leave the country (D.Vujovic, Crnogorski federalisti 1919-1929, CANU, 1981, Titograd).
In 1920, Regent Alexander abolished the Montenegrin Autocephalous Orthodox Church by a decree. Also in an uncanonical and illegal manner property of Montenegrin Autocephalous Orthodox Church (~650) was transferred to the Serbian Orthodox Church and has not been reclaimed since.

Thus, ironically, Montenegro became the only Allied country in World War I to be annexed to another country after the end of the war even though it finished the war on the winning side. Moreover, following unification, Montenegro lost its official name and was administratively declared a region of Yugoslavia called Zeta (Zetska Banovina).

Of all the constituent parts of this newly unified state, Montenegro had suffered conspicuously the greatest proportionate loss of life during World War I.

Links for:
Serbo Rastoder: "Skrivena strana istorije - Crnogorska buna i odmetnicki pokret" (prikaz)
Historical Documents I - State Department Files....
Historical Documents II - State Department Files....
Historical Documents III - Serb insistence on Montenegrin surrender....
Historical Documents IV - The Paris Peace Conference....


 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
ZVEK ZIVI CETINJANIN
(Login Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin)

EDUKACIJA

No score for this post
December 17 2006, 4:11 PM 

Montenegro in Yugoslavia, 1918-1992
In view of the dominant place of the Serb-Croat conflict in Yugoslav politics, almost no attention has been given by historians to the development of Montenegro between the world wars. Economic development, including foreign investment, followed the lines of political patronage-and therefore little of it filtered into Montenegro. No new rail building took place, no new mineral extraction was initiated, and there was little road construction. Having few large estates to expropriate, it was almost untouched by agrarian reform. Port development in the Gulf of Kotor was largely confined to military facilities; similarly, in the words of one historian, Bar in 1938 was "of very little importance".

By almost all indicators of economic well-being, the Zetska banovina (a governorship in interwar Yugoslavia that roughly corresponded to Montenegro) vied for the lowest place with the banovina of Vardarska (comprising parts of Macedonia). Montenegro's most important export in this period was probably emigrants.

Any dissatisfaction that this neglect may have occasioned on the part of Montenegrins is hard to gauge, given the centralization of Yugoslav politics and the proscription of free party organization under the royal dictatorship after 1929. It is perhaps indicative, however, that the Communist Party thrived as much in marginalized areas such as Montenegro as it did in such large industrial centers as Zagreb and Belgrade.

When Yugoslavia was invaded and partitioned by the Axis powers in April 1941, Montenegro was appropriated by the Italians under a nominally autonomous administration. Within a few months spontaneous armed resistance began. This was divided in its aims and loyalties between communists and their sympathizers and noncommunist bjelasi (advocates of union with Serbia). At the same time, some Montenegrin nationalists (zelenasi), disappointed by the experience of unification, supported the Italian administration. This local conflict was soon entangled within the wider Yugoslav struggle. The local strength of the party gave the communists an effective base in Montenegro. In addition, the area's remoteness and difficult terrain made it an important refuge for Tito's Partisan forces during the most difficult stage of their struggle, and it became a relatively safe haven after the fall of Italy.

The Montenegrins' traditional Pan-Slavism and inherited bravery made them natural allies with the communist project of the reunification of Yugoslavia. Consequently, after the war many Montenegrins found themselves in high positions within the military, political, and economic administration-in contrast to their former marginality. This same devotion to the party and to Soviet leadership, as well as to the Pan-Slav ideal, was in part responsible for the large number of Montenegrins who sided with Stalin in the dispute between the Cominform and the Yugoslav leadership. These people paid for their loyalty in subsequent purges particularly in 1948 following the notorious 'Resolution of Inforbiro'.

The communist strategy of attempting to unify Yugoslavia through a federal structure elevated Montenegro to the status of a republic, thus securing Montenegrin loyalty to the federation. Montenegro became a regular recipient of large quantities of federal aid, which enabled it to embark for the first time upon a process of industrialization. In spite of an attempt to develop the Niksic area as a center of both bauxite mining and steel production, economic progress was constantly hampered by the republic's marginality to the communication networks of the federation. It was not until the 1980s that the Montenegrin coast emerged as an important tourist area.

The breakup of the Yugoslav federation after 1989 left Montenegro in an acutely precarious position. The first multiparty elections in 1990 returned the reformed League of Communists to power, confirming Montenegrin support for the disintegrating federation. The Republic therefore joined Serbia efforts to preserve the Federation and in 1992 it acceded to the "Third Yugoslavia," a federal republic comprising only it and Serbia. On the other hand, in 1989 the remains of King Nicholas and other members of the former royal family were returned to Montenegro to be reentered with great ceremony in Cetinje. This sign of the continuing strength of a sense of distinctive Montenegrin identity was matched by lively criticism of the conduct of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, United Nations economic sanctions against Yugoslavia (1992) damaged Montenegro seriously, especially by undermining its lucrative tourist trade.




 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
G_r_i_f_o_n
(Login G_r_i_f_o_n)

Re: clans of crna gora

No score for this post
January 10 2007, 4:40 PM 

**************
**************
DA REZIMIRAMO:
**************
**************


+++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Ti svojim stavovima i svime recenim dokazujes da si najveci Albanac kojeg je majka rodila. Eto, to ti priznanje odajem.
Evo: svaka ti cast Siptar si 100%, evo, vala, 100 i 1, dakle, 101%, vala Albanac par ekselans, Ilir onaj siptarski vala na stoti stepen.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Iz tvoje antihristske nacisticke mrznje prema Slovenima (a privrzenosti Ilirskim (Siptarskim) teorijama) zakljucujem da ti nisi Sloven (u protivnom ne bi imao nista protiv Srba kojima je cilj oduvek samo demo-kratija ovog slovenskog naroda tj. da sprece pokvarenu fragmentaciju ovog jednog naroda pod uticajem perfidne rimske (latinske) hegemonije (oni koji su stradali od strane Srba su SAMI SEBI KRIVI sto su stali na stranu tudjinskog Rima (anti-Hrista) to jest hegemonijalnog familijarno-aristokratskog latinskog zla)); time, po zakonu logike, ne bivajuci Sloven ne mozes biti ni 'Crnogorac' (jer Crnogorci su slovenski narod); dakle, mozes biti samo 'Montenegrian' (dakle, latinski naziv (ili kako se to kaze na albanskom (samo da vidim) - 'Zi Mal' (Black Mountain) - je li tako ? , reci, znam da znas (ti licno kao jedinka) posto si Siptar Siptaru (Siptar - najjednostavnije receno); i prekini da se vise lazno predstavljas kao Crnogorac (tvoja mrznja prema Slovenima, lozi Nemanjica i hristijanstvu uopste te odaje; ali naposletku znaj gosn. Ilir (gosn. Siptar, gosn. Albanko): ti isti Rimljani su i prapostojbinu tvojih cenjenih predaka sravnili do temelja, a sada ste robovi njihovih interesa (rimo-katolickih); i uvek ste bili izdajnici - i za vreme islama ste nas izdali, a sve bi bilo totalno drugacije da ste isprva ucinili jedino logicno i ispravno i primili hriscanstvo tj. demokratiju tj. pravoslavlje - hriscanska (tj. pravoslavna) braca (tada ne bi mogli da napadate na Srbe niti bi Srbi mogli da napadaju vas gosn. Siptar, tada ne biste mogli da budete orudje razdora u rukama rimske hegemonije pa bi se sve to lose izbeglo (dakle - sami ste sebi krivi sto ste izdajnici i stalno saradjujete sa djavolom)))))

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin
(Login Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin)

Re: clans of crna gora

No score for this post
January 13 2007, 9:49 AM 

**************
**************
DA REZIMIRAMO:
**************
**************
HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHHAHAHAHAHAHAHHAAHHAHAHAHAHAH !

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Ti svojim stavovima i svime recenim dokazujes da si najveci Albanac kojeg je majka rodila. Eto, to ti priznanje odajem.



VIDIS DOKLE JE DOSEGLA PARANOIJA GEDZOVANA I OSEREB.LJENIJE CRNOGORACA PULENA RISTA CIROVA SOTONE HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAH !


Evo: svaka ti cast Siptar si 100%, evo, vala, 100 i 1, dakle, 101%, vala Albanac par ekselans, Ilir onaj siptarski vala na stoti stepen.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++

HAHAHAHHHHHAHAHAHAHHAHAHA OSEREBLJENI IZDAJICO RODA SVOJEGA ,JA SAM DRAGAN P SA CETINJA CRNOGORAC RODOM I PORODOM , ALI TVOJA PARANOJA OD BANDE SIPTARA ME NE CUDI ,KOKO STE IM ZLA NANIJELI TIJEKOM DECENIJA IZA SVAKOGA COSKA VIDITE SIPTARA SA NOZICEM HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHHAHAHAHAHAHAHAH !

Iz tvoje antihristske nacisticke mrznje prema Slovenima (a privrzenosti Ilirskim (Siptarskim) teorijama) zakljucujem da ti nisi Sloven (u protivnom ne bi imao nista protiv Srba kojima je cilj oduvek samo demo-kratija ovog slovenskog naroda tj.




SEREBALJI I DEMOKRATIJA MARKO KRALJEVIC I SIJALICA HAHAHAHHAHAHA GEDZOVANKO VASKI VID DEMOKRATIJE SMO VIDJELI OD 1918 PA DO OVIJE POTONJIJEH IMPERIJALNO GEDZOVANSKIJEH RATOVA PROTIV NEDUZNOGA NARODA BIVASE YU !

da sprece pokvarenu fragmentaciju ovog jednog naroda pod uticajem perfidne rimske (latinske) hegemonije (oni koji su stradali od strane Srba su SAMI SEBI KRIVI sto su stali na stranu tudjinskog Rima (anti-Hrista) to jest hegemonijalnog familijarno-aristokratskog latinskog zla));


DECKICU KACES SE OPREDIJELIT ILI SAM SIPTAR MUSLJIMAN ILI SAM USTASA DUKLJANSKORIMSKI HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHHAHAHAHAHAH !





time, po zakonu logike, ne bivajuci Sloven ne mozes biti ni 'Crnogorac' (jer Crnogorci su slovenski narod); dakle, mozes biti samo 'Montenegrian' (dakle, latinski naziv (ili kako se to kaze na albanskom (samo da vidim) - 'Zi Mal' (Black Mountain) - je li tako ?


BRAVU CRNOGORAC ILI MONTENEGRIN ILI DUKLJANIN ILI KAKO TE VOLJA ZNACI ISTO TAKO DA KRETENISANJE TVOJE NE VODI NICEMU HAHAHAHAHAHHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHH !


, reci, znam da znas (ti licno kao jedinka) posto si Siptar Siptaru (Siptar - najjednostavnije receno); i prekini da se vise lazno predstavljas kao Crnogorac (tvoja mrznja prema Slovenima, lozi Nemanjica i hristijanstvu uopste te odaje;


SAVO DEBILNI KOLJAC I IZBJEGLICA KOPILE IZ RASKE JE NANIJO DOVOLJNO ZLA (DA MU SE SEREM U GROB) CRNOGORCIMA ! TO KOPILE SRUSI GRADOVE POKLA NAROD ISKOPA SE KA I OCE I ZATO GA NEMOZEMO MI CRNOGORCI SVOJAKAT KA VI GEDZOVANI ! NO BRAVU DOSA JE VAKAT DA JE POSTENIJE BIT SIPTAR NO GEDZA S OPANCIMA I KAMOM ZA PAS !



ali naposletku znaj gosn. Ilir (gosn. Siptar, gosn. Albanko): ti isti Rimljani su i prapostojbinu tvojih cenjenih predaka sravnili do temelja, a sada ste robovi njihovih interesa (rimo-katolickih); i uvek ste bili izdajnici -


BRAVU DAJ SE MALACKO KONTROLIRATI NE HAHAHAH KAKO MOZE BIT "SIPTAR" IZDAJNIK I CIJI JE IZDAJNIK HAHAHAHAHHAHAAHAHAHA ! NO JELI SE TI TO VRCES U PRAISTORIJU U DOBA KAD SEREBALJI NASELISE BJELASICU A ??? HAHHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHAHHHAHAHAHAHAHHAHAHAHAHAHAH !

i za vreme islama ste nas izdali, a sve bi bilo totalno drugacije da ste isprva ucinili jedino logicno i ispravno i primili hriscanstvo tj. demokratiju tj. pravoslavlje - hriscanska (tj. pravoslavna) braca (tada ne bi mogli da napadate na Srbe niti bi Srbi mogli da napadaju vas gosn. Siptar,

HAHAHAHHAHAHAHHAHA OVCO METILJAVA NIJE KRISCANSTVO SERBAÖLJSTVO ,NEMAJU SEREBALJI MONOPOL NAD RELIGIJOM "VILJUSKOM" JEZIKOM STRUJOM ITD ITD HAHAHAHAHAHAHAH ZAMISLI SE CUKU MALACKO IMA SEREBALJA KATOLIKA PRAVOSLAVACA MUSLIMANA BUDISTA ITD ITD HAHAHAHAHAHAH !





tada ne biste mogli da budete orudje razdora u rukama rimske hegemonije pa bi se sve to lose izbeglo (dakle - sami ste sebi krivi sto ste izdajnici i stalno saradjujete sa djavolom)))))


JES JADAN EO SINOC SAM SA SOTONOM PIJO KAFU ISPRED BILJARDE HAHAHHAHAHAHAHAHAHAH ! BOZE KOJI BRAV DA TE DOBRI BOG SACUVA HAHAHAHHAHHA , NO REKNI MI PROFESORE JELI RISALJ THE SOTONA VELJI PRAVOSLAVAC KAD OSVESTAVA ZOLJE TENKOVE I KALJESNIKOVE A ?? JELI POHOMLIJE SVETI VASKI PRAVOSLAVAC KAD NATEZE MOMCICE ZGUZA I JESULI U SPC POTONJI SVECEVI CECA MALDIC KARADZIC ARKAN KARLEUSA ITD ITD HAHAHAHAHAHAHAHHAHAHAHAH !

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
Anonymous
(Login G_r_i_f_o_n)

Re: clans of crna gora

No score for this post
January 17 2007, 1:29 AM 

Siptar!

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
Vuk
(Login zagorskivuk)

Answer

No score for this post
February 18 2010, 3:58 PM 

Call mister Petar Askraba Zagorski on his phone +387/65/528/706- if you are interested he can found from where your ancestors are better then anyone. He wrote a book about 50.000 serbian family names.

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
Anonymous
(Login Zvek_Zivi_Cetinjanin)

Re: clans of crna gora

No score for this post
October 11 2010, 3:55 AM 

Ako nemate sto krsteno da lanete ajte mrs happy.gif)))

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
Aleksandar Stajic
(Login Aaasaasa)

Sramota

Average Score 3.0 (2 people)
March 17 2011, 2:01 PM 

Sram vas bilo moji srbi iz crne gore sto toliko malo znate a koliko se time dicite.
Po svemu sudeci ce vasa djeca u buducnosti tako da se bore da su englezi kao sto se vi borite da ste crnogorci.
Istu politiku su vasi roditelji od Tita poprimili i na vas prenijeli a tako isto su i poturice od svojih roditelja
naucile da ne pitaju i okrecu glavu od istine.
Meni je svejedno da li ce se neko srbinom ili magarcem zvati ali je jadno da neko nema pojma a komentarise.
Ja sam misljenja da je za vas kasno da vam covjek nesta objasni jer ste navrli kao muve na g.... da ste crnogorci
a ne znate da brojite ni do dva.
Meni je lako jer znam da brojim jako daleko, preko jednog vijeka (cak nam se loze sastavljaju) pa nisam tako gnjevan
kao vi(moji rodjaci).
Vasi (moji i vasi) preci junaci se sigurno nisu borili za ovo sto vi (englezi) zborite.

Pozdrav od srbina, potomka Zete(ako hocete tako), sa Kosova Polja i iz Metohije,
Crnogorca, Bosanca i Hercegovca, Makedonca, Vojvodjanca, srca Srbije(Sarajeva) a sada Njemca(strastvenog kao sto ste vi Crnogorci)
iz Nevesinja, Aleksandar Stajic plemena('clan' na engleskom) Bajkovica(Cuce) Krivokapica Orlovica happy.gif
(na zalost smo svaki put morali mijenjati prezime kada smo turke tamanili - if you know what i mean)




 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
Aleksandar Stajic
(Login Aaasaasa)

Da malo vidis ko su ti predci (crnogorci, braca srbi)

Score 1.0 (1 person)
March 17 2011, 2:23 PM 

Citaj i stidi se:
Gospodine Predednie,
Zla i nezasluena sudbina koja titi crnogorski narod
prisiljava me da se obratim Vaoj Ekselenciji u nadi da e
Konferencija mira ipak htjeti uiniti kraj nepravdama i nasilju,
ija je rtva sada crnogorski narod. S druge strane
naeruje me na ovaj korak i to to je Konferencija mira
ostavila do danas sve note, koje je moja vlada imala ast
uiniti joj u ovom smislu, oslanjajui se na pravo i sveane
obaveze Saveznika prema Crnoj Gori.
Gospodine Predednie,
Crna Gora, mada je mogla ostati u toku ovoga rata neutralna,
stala je prva na strani Saveznika.
25. jula moja vlada, im je izvijetena od vlade Srbije o
austrijskom ultimatumu, odgovorila joj je: Srbija moe
raunati na bratsku i neogranienu pomo Crne Gore u
ovome kritinome momentu po srpski narod kao i u svim
ostalim. Ovoj odluci moje vlade sljedovala je poslije nekoliko
dana objava rataAustro-Ugarskoj i Njemakoj saprethodnim
pristankom narodne skuptine. To je bio jedini
uslov koji je Crna Gora postavila Srbiji i Saveznicima
uopte za neogranienu saradnju i pored velikih kompen
zacija koje joj je Austro-Ugarska ponudila za njenu neutralnost.
Uostalom, u svoje doba moja je vlada upoznala
predstavnike velikih sila na Cetinju sa tim predlogom.
Tokom itavog rata, Crna Gora je ostala vjerna svojim
obeanjima, pomaui neogranieno Srbiju vojniki i politiki.
ak i u najkritinijim asovima na Balkanu, tj. za
vrijeme zajednike ofanzive Austro-Njemaca i Bugara
1915. Crna Gora je ostala nepokolebljiva. U to vrijeme
bila je ona na Balkanu jedina na strani Srbije. To je bio
razlog radi koga je ona 15. oktobra 1915. objavila rat Bugarskoj.
Crnogorska vojska postigla je u te dane jedan od
najsjajnijih uspjeha dugih i krvavih borba, jedinu odstupnicu
(preko Crne Gore) koja je jo ostala srpskoj vojsci,
poto je nadiranjem Bugara bilo preeeno povlaenje
preko Bitolja.
Neka mi je dozvoljeno upoznati Vau Ekselenciju da su
crnogorski narod i njegova vojska uinili sve to su mogli
i podnijeli najvee rtve pod najteim uslovima pred kojima
se ikada naao jedan narod i jedna vojska.
Za osamnaest mjeseci nije Crna Gora predstavljala
drugo do tvravu opednutu sa svih strana i lienu svake
pomoi. Crnogorski narod i njegova vojska bili su lieni
svega to je neophodno potrebno ne samo za voenje rata,
nego i za njihov sopstveni opstanak....


Kada si vec tako pametan, valjda znas sta je ovo i ko je ovo napisao da bi svojoj braci pomogao

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
Aleksandar Stajic
(Login Aaasaasa)

Pavle Tepavcevich

Score 5.0 (1 person)
March 17 2011, 2:26 PM 

Hercegovacko bratstvo Tepavcevici-Damjanci su porijeklom sa Kosova

 
Scoring disabled. You must be logged in to score posts.
 
< Previous Page 1 2 3 4 5 Next >
  Respond to this message   
  << Previous Topic | Next Topic >>Return to Index  
Find more forums on PoliticsCreate your own forum at Network54
 Copyright © 1999-2017 Network54. All rights reserved.   Terms of Use   Privacy Statement